<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<rss version="2.0"
	xmlns:content="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/content/"
	xmlns:wfw="http://wellformedweb.org/CommentAPI/"
	xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/"
	xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom"
	xmlns:sy="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/syndication/"
	xmlns:slash="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/modules/slash/"
	>

<channel>
	<title>The Intolerable Acts ACTION CENTER</title>
	<atom:link href="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/feed/" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml" />
	<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress</link>
	<description></description>
	<lastBuildDate>Thu, 20 Jun 2013 00:00:38 +0000</lastBuildDate>
	<language>en-US</language>
	<sy:updatePeriod>hourly</sy:updatePeriod>
	<sy:updateFrequency>1</sy:updateFrequency>
	<generator>http://wordpress.org/?v=3.4.2</generator>
		<item>
		<title>U.S. Supreme Court Bans 1st Amendment Free Speech!</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/u-s-supreme-court-bans-1st-amendment-free-speech/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/u-s-supreme-court-bans-1st-amendment-free-speech/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 20 Jun 2013 00:00:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[NDAA]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=289</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Redress you grievances somewhere else, and stay on the sidewalk if you have something to say! That is the message U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts has approved regarding the exercise of 1st Amendment protected free speech in front of the U.S. Supreme Court. Many legal scholars and politicians evade their constitutional duties by abdicating their responsibility to discern for themselves as to whether or not a law or policy is constitutional with the refrain, &#8220;Well, until the Supreme Court rules on it, we have to accept that it&#8217;s constitutional,&#8221; or they&#8217;ll say, &#8220;We have to wait and see what the Supreme Court says.&#8221; http://www.supremecourt.gov/publicinfo/buildingregulations.aspx Regulation Seven &#8220;This regulation is issued under the authority of 40 U.S.C. § 6102 to protect the Supreme Court building and grounds, and persons and property thereon, and to maintain suitable order and decorum within the Supreme Court building and grounds.  Any person who fails to comply with this regulation may be subject to a fine and/or imprisonment pursuant to 40 U.S.C. § 6137.  This regulation does not apply on the perimeter sidewalks on the Supreme Court grounds.  The Supreme Court may also make exceptions to this regulation for activities related to its official [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Redress you grievances somewhere else, and stay on the sidewalk if you have something to say! That is the message U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts has approved regarding the exercise of 1st Amendment protected free speech in front of the U.S. Supreme Court. Many legal scholars and politicians evade their constitutional duties by abdicating their responsibility to discern for themselves as to whether or not a law or policy is constitutional with the refrain, &#8220;Well, until the Supreme Court rules on it, we have to accept that it&#8217;s constitutional,&#8221; or they&#8217;ll say, &#8220;We have to wait and see what the Supreme Court says.&#8221;</p>
<p><a href="http://www.supremecourt.gov/publicinfo/buildingregulations.aspx" target="_blank">http://www.supremecourt.gov/publicinfo/buildingregulations.aspx</a></p>
<p><strong>Regulation Seven</strong></p>
<p>&#8220;This regulation is issued under the authority of 40 U.S.C. § 6102 to protect the Supreme Court building and grounds, and persons and property thereon, and to maintain suitable order and decorum within the Supreme Court building and grounds.  Any person who fails to comply with this regulation may be subject to a fine and/or imprisonment pursuant to 40 U.S.C. § 6137.  This regulation does not apply on the perimeter sidewalks on the Supreme Court grounds.  The Supreme Court may also make exceptions to this regulation for activities related to its official functions.</p>
<p>No person shall engage in a demonstration within the Supreme Court building and grounds.  The term “demonstration” includes demonstrations, picketing, speechmaking, marching, holding vigils or religious services and all other like forms of conduct that involve the communication or expression of views or grievances, engaged in by one or more persons, the conduct of which is reasonably likely to draw a crowd or onlookers.  The term does not include casual use by visitors or tourists that is not reasonably likely to attract a crowd or onlookers.</p>
<p>Approved and Effective June 13, 2013&#8243;</p>
<p>Thomas Jefferson, in a 1819 letter to Spencer Roane, stated:</p>
<div>&#8220;In denying the right [the Supreme Court usurps] of exclusively explaining the Constitution, I go further than [others] do, if I understand rightly [this] quotation from <span style="text-decoration: underline;">the </span><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Federalist</span> of an opinion that &#8216;the judiciary is the last resort in relation to the other departments of the government, but <strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;">not</span></strong> in relation to the rights of the parties to the compact under which the judiciary is derived.&#8217; If this opinion be sound, then indeed is our Constitution a complete felo de se [act of suicide].</div>
<p style="text-align: right;">–Thomas Jefferson to Spencer Roane, 1819</p>
<p>Thomas Jefferson said the following in a Christmas Day, 1820 letter to Thomas Ritchie:</p>
<p>“The judiciary of the United States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners constantly working under ground to undermine the foundation of our confederated fabric. They are construing our Constitution from a co-ordination of a general and special Government to a general and supreme one alone.</p>
<p>We shall see if they are bold enough to take the daring stride their five lawyers have lately taken. If they do, then, with the editor of our book, in his address to the public, I will say, “that against this every man should raise his voice, and more, should uplift his arm…That pen should go on, lay bare these wounds of our Constitution, expose the decisions seriatim, and arouse, as it is able, the attention of the nation to these bold speculators on its patience.”</p>
<p style="text-align: right;"> - Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Thomas Ritchie, December 25, 1820</p>
<p style="text-align: left;">If we do not defend life and liberty, there will soon be no pursuits of happiness, only despotic slavery and tyranny. God bless America and those that defend Her!</p>
<p style="text-align: left;">Jeff Lewis</p>
<p style="text-align: left;">National Director</p>
<p style="text-align: left;">Patriot Coalition</p>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/u-s-supreme-court-bans-1st-amendment-free-speech/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Miranda v. Arizona: Alleged Boston Bomber Has Rights</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/miranda-v-arizona-alleged-boston-bomber-has-rights/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/miranda-v-arizona-alleged-boston-bomber-has-rights/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 20 Apr 2013 11:12:27 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[NDAA]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=275</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The Constitution doesn&#8217;t include a &#8220;Bill of Privileges&#8221; that Congress, the President, or law enforcement can suspend or deny based on the whims of men. According to the &#8220;supreme Law of the Land,&#8221; the United States Constitution, We the People are presumed innocent until proven guilty. For nearly 50 years, law enforcement have been required to read a person in custody their 5th Amendment Rights. The alleged Boston Marathon bomber, according to numerous news reports, is a naturalized U.S. Citizen. His citizenship isn&#8217;t the issue when it comes to the protections of the Constitution and Bill of Rights on U.S. soil. It only becomes an issue when considering the magnitude of charges against him. As a citizen, Article III, Section 3, regarding treason, might be the appropriate charge. If convicted as a murderer, he may face the death penalty. Overzealous media queried the police and district attorney at the press conference after his capture if they planned to seek the death penalty. So much for being innocent until proven guilty. It is hard to imagine how he will receive a fair trial considering the media circus and hysteria surrounding the manhunt. Obviously, whoever committed the heinous attacks at the Boston [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The Constitution doesn&#8217;t include a &#8220;Bill of Privileges&#8221; that Congress, the President, or law enforcement can suspend or deny based on the whims of men.</p>
<p>According to the &#8220;supreme Law of the Land,&#8221; the United States Constitution, We the People are presumed innocent until proven guilty. For nearly 50 years, law enforcement have been required to read a person in custody their 5th Amendment Rights.</p>
<p>The alleged Boston Marathon bomber, according to numerous news reports, is a naturalized U.S. Citizen. His citizenship isn&#8217;t the issue when it comes to the protections of the Constitution and Bill of Rights on U.S. soil. It only becomes an issue when considering the magnitude of charges against him. As a citizen, Article III, Section 3, regarding treason, might be the appropriate charge.</p>
<p>If convicted as a murderer, he may face the death penalty. Overzealous media queried the police and district attorney at the press conference after his capture if they planned to seek the death penalty. So much for being innocent until proven guilty.</p>
<p>It is hard to imagine how he will receive a fair trial considering the media circus and hysteria surrounding the manhunt.</p>
<p>Obviously, whoever committed the heinous attacks at the Boston Marathon deserve justice, and the harshest of penalties should be considered if found guilty. That doesn&#8217;t mean the accused has no rights. It doesn&#8217;t mean that he can be denied counsel during questioning. It doesn&#8217;t mean, simply because we &#8220;think&#8221; he&#8217;s the crazed killer that his rights have been forfeited.</p>
<p>Before getting too excited about taking Senator Lindsey Graham Vader&#8217;s <a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/docs/Shut-Up.wmv" target="_blank">advice</a>, and denying anyone Miranda, read why being read your 5th Amendment rights prior to questioning/interrogation by police is called &#8220;Miranda.&#8221;</p>
<p>When any person is denied their rights under the Constitution, we all lose. We are all less safe.  <a href="http://twitter.com/patriotwatchdog" target="_blank">- PatriotWatchdog</a></p>
<p><strong>384 U.S. 436</strong></p>
<p><a href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#writing-USSC_CR_0384_0436_ZO" target="_blank"><strong>Miranda v. Arizona (No. 759)</strong></a></p>
<p><strong>Argued: February 28-March 1, 1966</strong></p>
<p><strong>Decided: June 13, 1966 [*]</strong></p>
<p><strong>98 Ariz. 18, 401 P.2d 721; 15 N.Y.2d 970, 207 N.E.2d 527; 16 N.Y.2d 614, 209 N.E.2d 110; 342 F.2d 684, reversed; 62 Cal.2d 571, 400 P.2d 97, affirmed.</strong></p>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#writing-USSC_CR_0384_0436_ZS"> <strong>Syllabus</strong> </a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#writing-USSC_CR_0384_0436_ZO"> <strong>Opinion</strong>, Warren</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#writing-USSC_CR_0384_0436_ZX"> <strong>CDInPart</strong>, Clark</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#writing-USSC_CR_0384_0436_ZD"> <strong>Dissent</strong>, Harlan</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#writing-USSC_CR_0384_0436_ZD1"> <strong>Dissent</strong>, White</a></li>
</ul>
<p><strong>Syllabus</strong></p>
<p>In each of these cases, the defendant, while in police custody, was questioned by police officers, detectives, or a prosecuting attorney in a room in which he was cut off from the outside world. None of the defendants was given a full and effective warning of his rights at the outset of the interrogation process. In all four cases, the questioning elicited oral admissions, and, in three of them, signed statements as well, which were admitted at their trials. All defendants were convicted, and all convictions, except in No. 584, were affirmed on appeal.</p>
<p>Held:</p>
<p>1. The prosecution may not use statements, whether exculpatory or inculpatory, stemming from questioning initiated by law enforcement officers after a person has been taken into custody or otherwise deprived of his freedom of action in any significant way, unless it demonstrates the use of procedural safeguards effective to secure the Fifth Amendment&#8217;s privilege against self-incrimination. Pp. 444-491.</p>
<p>(a) The atmosphere and environment of incommunicado interrogation as it exists today is inherently intimidating, and works to undermine the privilege against self-incrimination. Unless adequate preventive measures are taken to dispel the compulsion inherent in custodial surroundings, no statement obtained from the defendant can truly be the product of his free choice. Pp. 445-458.</p>
<p>(b) The privilege against self-incrimination, which has had a long and expansive historical development, is the essential mainstay of our adversary system, and guarantees to the individual the &#8220;right to remain silent unless he chooses to speak in the unfettered exercise of his own will,&#8221; during a period of custodial interrogation <a name="pg_437"></a> <strong>[p437]</strong> as well as in the courts or during the course of other official investigations. Pp. 458-465.</p>
<p>(c) The decision in Escobedo v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/478/">378 U.S. 478</a>, stressed the need for protective devices to make the process of police interrogation conform to the dictates of the privilege. Pp. 465-466.</p>
<p>(d) In the absence of other effective measures, the following procedures to safeguard the Fifth Amendment privilege must be observed: the person in custody must, prior to interrogation, be clearly informed that he has the right to remain silent, and that anything he says will be used against him in court; he must be clearly informed that he has the right to consult with a lawyer and to have the lawyer with him during interrogation, and that, if he is indigent, a lawyer will be appointed to represent him. Pp. 467-473.</p>
<p>(e) If the individual indicates, prior to or during questioning, that he wishes to remain silent, the interrogation must cease; if he states that he wants an attorney, the questioning must cease until an attorney is present. Pp. 473-474.</p>
<p>(f) Where an interrogation is conducted without the presence of an attorney and a statement is taken, a heavy burden rests on the Government to demonstrate that the defendant knowingly and intelligently waived his right to counsel. P. 475.</p>
<p>(g) Where the individual answers some questions during in-custody interrogation, he has not waived his privilege, and may invoke his right to remain silent thereafter. Pp. 475-476.</p>
<p>(h) The warnings required and the waiver needed are, in the absence of a fully effective equivalent, prerequisites to the admissibility of any statement, inculpatory or exculpatory, made by a defendant. Pp. 476-477.</p>
<p>2. The limitations on the interrogation process required for the protection of the individual&#8217;s constitutional rights should not cause an undue interference with a proper system of law enforcement, as demonstrated by the procedures of the FBI and the safeguards afforded in other jurisdictions. Pp. 479-491.</p>
<p>3. In each of these cases, the statements were obtained under circumstances that did not meet constitutional standards for protection of the privilege against self-incrimination. Pp. 491-499.</p>
<p><a name="pg_439"></a> <strong>[p439]</strong></p>
<div>
<hr />
<p><a name="writing-USSC_CR_0384_0436_ZO" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#writing-ZS"></a> <strong>TOP</strong><strong>Opinion</strong></p>
<p>WARREN, C.J., Opinion of the Court</p>
<p>MR. CHIEF JUSTICE WARREN delivered the opinion of the Court.</p>
<p>The cases before us raise questions which go to the roots of our concepts of American criminal jurisprudence: the restraints society must observe consistent with the Federal Constitution in prosecuting individuals for crime. More specifically, we deal with the admissibility of statements obtained from an individual who is subjected to custodial police interrogation and the necessity for procedures which assure that the individual is accorded his privilege under the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution not to be compelled to incriminate himself. <a name="pg_440"></a> <strong>[p440]</strong></p>
<p>We dealt with certain phases of this problem recently in Escobedo v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/478/">378 U.S. 478</a> (1964). There, as in the four cases before us, law enforcement officials took the defendant into custody and interrogated him in a police station for the purpose of obtaining a confession. The police did not effectively advise him of his right to remain silent or of his right to consult with his attorney. Rather, they confronted him with an alleged accomplice who accused him of having perpetrated a murder. When the defendant denied the accusation and said &#8220;I didn&#8217;t shoot Manuel, you did it,&#8221; they handcuffed him and took him to an interrogation room. There, while handcuffed and standing, he was questioned for four hours until he confessed. During this interrogation, the police denied his request to speak to his attorney, and they prevented his retained attorney, who had come to the police station, from consulting with him. At his trial, the State, over his objection, introduced the confession against him. We held that the statements thus made were constitutionally inadmissible.</p>
<p>This case has been the subject of judicial interpretation and spirited legal debate since it was decided two years ago. Both state and federal courts, in assessing its implications, have arrived at varying conclusions.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n1ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n1"></a> <sup> <strong> [n1]</strong> </sup> A wealth of scholarly material has been written tracing its ramifications and underpinnings.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n2ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n2"></a> <sup> <strong> [n2]</strong> </sup> Police and prosecutor <a name="pg_441"></a> <strong>[p441]</strong> have speculated on its range and desirability.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n3ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n3"></a> <sup> <strong> [n3]</strong> </sup> We granted certiorari in these cases, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/382/924/">382 U.S. 924</a>, 925, 937, in order further to explore some facets of the problems thus exposed of applying the privilege against self-incrimination to in-custody interrogation, and to give <a name="pg_442"></a> <strong>[p442]</strong> concrete constitutional guidelines for law enforcement agencies and courts to follow.</p>
<p>We start here, as we did in Escobedo, with the premise that our holding is not an innovation in our jurisprudence, but is an application of principles long recognized and applied in other settings. We have undertaken a thorough reexamination of the Escobedo decision and the principles it announced, and we reaffirm it. That case was but an explication of basic rights that are enshrined in our Constitution &#8212; that &#8220;No person . . . shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself,&#8221; and that &#8220;the accused shall . . . have the Assistance of Counsel&#8221; &#8212; rights which were put in jeopardy in that case through official overbearing. These precious rights were fixed in our Constitution only after centuries of persecution and struggle. And, in the words of Chief Justice Marshall, they were secured &#8220;for ages to come, and . . . designed to approach immortality as nearly as human institutions can approach it,&#8221; Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264, 387 (1821).</p>
<p>Over 70 years ago, our predecessors on this Court eloquently stated:</p>
<p>The maxim nemo tenetur seipsum accusare had its origin in a protest against the inquisitorial and manifestly unjust methods of interrogating accused persons, which [have] long obtained in the continental system, and, until the expulsion of the Stuarts from the British throne in 1688 and the erection of additional barriers for the protection of the people against the exercise of arbitrary power, [were] not uncommon even in England. While the admissions or confessions of the prisoner, when voluntarily and freely made, have always ranked high in the scale of incriminating evidence, if an accused person be asked to explain his apparent connection with a crime under investigation, the ease with which the <a name="pg_443"></a> <strong>[p443]</strong> questions put to him may assume an inquisitorial character, the temptation to press the witness unduly, to browbeat him if he be timid or reluctant, to push him into a corner, and to entrap him into fatal contradictions, which is so painfully evident in many of the earlier state trials, notably in those of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton and Udal, the Puritan minister, made the system so odious as to give rise to a demand for its total abolition. The change in the English criminal procedure in that particular seems to be founded upon no statute and no judicial opinion, but upon a general and silent acquiescence of the courts in a popular demand. But, however adopted, it has become firmly embedded in English as well as in American jurisprudence. So deeply did the iniquities of the ancient system impress themselves upon the minds of the American colonists that the States, with one accord, made a denial of the right to question an accused person a part of their fundamental law, so that a maxim, which in England was a mere rule of evidence, became clothed in this country with the impregnability of a constitutional enactment.</p>
<p>Brown v. Walker, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/161/591/">161 U.S. 591</a>, 596-597 (1896). In stating the obligation of the judiciary to apply these constitutional rights, this Court declared in Weems v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/217/349/">217 U.S. 349</a>, 373 (1910):</p>
<p>. . . our contemplation cannot be only of what has been, but of what may be. Under any other rule, a constitution would indeed be as easy of application as it would be deficient in efficacy and power. Its general principles would have little value, and be converted by precedent into impotent and lifeless formulas. Rights declared in words might be lost in reality. And this has been recognized. The <a name="pg_444"></a> <strong>[p444]</strong> meaning and vitality of the Constitution have developed against narrow and restrictive construction.</p>
<p>This was the spirit in which we delineated, in meaningful language, the manner in which the constitutional rights of the individual could be enforced against overzealous police practices. It was necessary in Escobedo, as here, to insure that what was proclaimed in the Constitution had not become but a &#8220;form of words,&#8221; Silverthorne Lumber Co. v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/251/385/">251 U.S. 385</a>, 392 (1920), in the hands of government officials. And it is in this spirit, consistent with our role as judges, that we adhere to the principles of Escobedo today.</p>
<p>Our holding will be spelled out with some specificity in the pages which follow, but, briefly stated, it is this: the prosecution may not use statements, whether exculpatory or inculpatory, stemming from custodial interrogation of the defendant unless it demonstrates the use of procedural safeguards effective to secure the privilege against self-incrimination. By custodial interrogation, we mean questioning initiated by law enforcement officers after a person has been taken into custody or otherwise deprived of his freedom of action in any significant way.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n4ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n4"></a> <sup> <strong> [n4]</strong> </sup> As for the procedural safeguards to be employed, unless other fully effective means are devised to inform accused persons of their right of silence and to assure a continuous opportunity to exercise it, the following measures are required. Prior to any questioning, the person must be warned that he has a right to remain silent, that any statement he does make may be used as evidence against him, and that he has a right to the presence of an attorney, either retained or appointed. The defendant may waive effectuation of these rights, provided the waiver is made voluntarily, knowingly and intelligently. If, however, he indicates in any manner and at any stage of the <a name="pg_445"></a> <strong>[p445]</strong> process that he wishes to consult with an attorney before speaking, there can be no questioning. Likewise, if the individual is alone and indicates in any manner that he does not wish to be interrogated, the police may not question him. The mere fact that he may have answered some questions or volunteered some statements on his own does not deprive him of the right to refrain from answering any further inquiries until he has consulted with an attorney and thereafter consents to be questioned.</p>
<p>I</p>
<p>The constitutional issue we decide in each of these cases is the admissibility of statements obtained from a defendant questioned while in custody or otherwise deprived of his freedom of action in any significant way. In each, the defendant was questioned by police officers, detectives, or a prosecuting attorney in a room in which he was cut off from the outside world. In none of these cases was the defendant given a full and effective warning of his rights at the outset of the interrogation process. In all the cases, the questioning elicited oral admissions, and in three of them, signed statements as well which were admitted at their trials. They all thus share salient features &#8212; incommunicado interrogation of individuals in a police-dominated atmosphere, resulting in self-incriminating statements without full warnings of constitutional rights.</p>
<p>An understanding of the nature and setting of this in-custody interrogation is essential to our decisions today. The difficulty in depicting what transpires at such interrogations stems from the fact that, in this country, they have largely taken place incommunicado. From extensive factual studies undertaken in the early 1930&#8242;s, including the famous Wickersham Report to Congress by a Presidential Commission, it is clear that police violence and the &#8220;third degree&#8221; flourished at that time.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n5ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n5"></a> <sup> <strong> [n5]</strong> </sup> <a name="pg_446"></a> <strong>[p446]</strong> In a series of cases decided by this Court long after these studies, the police resorted to physical brutality &#8212; beating, hanging, whipping &#8212; and to sustained and protracted questioning incommunicado in order to extort confessions.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n6ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n6"></a> <sup> <strong> [n6]</strong> </sup> The Commission on Civil Rights in 1961 found much evidence to indicate that &#8220;some policemen still resort to physical force to obtain confessions,&#8221; 1961 Comm&#8217;n on Civil Rights Rep. Justice, pt. 5, 17. The use of physical brutality and violence is not, unfortunately, relegated to the past or to any part of the country. Only recently in Kings County, New York, the police brutally beat, kicked and placed lighted cigarette butts on the back of a potential witness under interrogation for the purpose of securing a statement incriminating a third party. People v. Portelli, 15 N.Y.2d 235, 205 N.E.2d 857, 257 N.Y.S.2d 931 (1965).<a name="ZO-384_US_436n7ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n7"></a> <sup> <strong> [n7]</strong> </sup> <a name="pg_447"></a> <strong>[p447]</strong></p>
<p>The examples given above are undoubtedly the exception now, but they are sufficiently widespread to be the object of concern. Unless a proper limitation upon custodial interrogation is achieved &#8212; such as these decisions will advance &#8212; there can be no assurance that practices of this nature will be eradicated in the foreseeable future. The conclusion of the Wickersham Commission Report, made over 30 years ago, is still pertinent:</p>
<p>To the contention that the third degree is necessary to get the facts, the reporters aptly reply in the language of the present Lord Chancellor of England (Lord Sankey):</p>
<p>It is not admissible to do a great right by doing a little wrong. . . . It is not sufficient to do justice by obtaining a proper result by irregular or improper means.</p>
<p>Not only does the use of the third degree involve a flagrant violation of law by the officers of the law, but it involves also the dangers of false confessions, and it tends to make police and prosecutors less zealous in the search for objective evidence. As the New York prosecutor quoted in the report said, &#8220;It is a short-cut, and makes the police lazy and unenterprising.&#8221; Or, as another official quoted remarked: &#8220;If you use your fists, you <a name="pg_448"></a> <strong>[p448]</strong> are not so likely to use your wits.&#8221; We agree with the conclusion expressed in the report, that</p>
<p>The third degree brutalizes the police, hardens the prisoner against society, and lowers the esteem in which the administration of Justice is held by the public.</p>
<p>IV National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement, Report on Lawlessness in Law Enforcement 5 (1931).</p>
<p>Again we stress that the modern practice of in-custody interrogation is psychologically, rather than physically, oriented. As we have stated before,</p>
<p>Since Chambers v. Florida, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/309/227/">309 U.S. 227</a>, this Court has recognized that coercion can be mental as well as physical, and that the blood of the accused is not the only hallmark of an unconstitutional inquisition.</p>
<p>Blackburn v. Alabama, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/361/199/">361 U.S. 199</a>, 206 (1960). Interrogation still takes place in privacy. Privacy results in secrecy, and this, in turn, results in a gap in our knowledge as to what, in fact, goes on in the interrogation rooms. A valuable source of information about present police practices, however, may be found in various police manuals and texts which document procedures employed with success in the past, and which recommend various other effective tactics.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n8ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n8"></a> <sup> <strong> [n8]</strong> </sup> These <a name="pg_449"></a> <strong>[p449]</strong> texts are used by law enforcement agencies themselves as guides.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n9ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n9"></a> <sup> <strong> [n9]</strong> </sup> It should be noted that these texts professedly present the most enlightened and effective means presently used to obtain statements through custodial interrogation. By considering these texts and other data, it is possible to describe procedures observed and noted around the country.</p>
<p>The officers are told by the manuals that the</p>
<p>principal psychological factor contributing to a successful interrogation is privacy &#8212; being alone with the person under interrogation.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n10ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n10"></a> <sup> <strong> [n10]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>The efficacy of this tactic has been explained as follows:</p>
<p>If at all practicable, the interrogation should take place in the investigator&#8217;s office or at least in a room of his own choice. The subject should be deprived of every psychological advantage. In his own home, he may be confident, indignant, or recalcitrant. He is more keenly aware of his rights and <a name="pg_450"></a> <strong>[p450]</strong> more reluctant to tell of his indiscretions or criminal behavior within the walls of his home. Moreover his family and other friends are nearby, their presence lending moral support. In his own office, the investigator possesses all the advantages. The atmosphere suggests the invincibility of the forces of the law.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n11ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n11"></a> <sup> <strong> [n11]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>To highlight the isolation and unfamiliar surroundings, the manuals instruct the police to display an air of confidence in the suspect&#8217;s guilt and, from outward appearance, to maintain only an interest in confirming certain details. The guilt of the subject is to be posited as a fact. The interrogator should direct his comments toward the reasons why the subject committed the act, rather than court failure by asking the subject whether he did it. Like other men, perhaps the subject has had a bad family life, had an unhappy childhood, had too much to drink, had an unrequited desire for women. The officers are instructed to minimize the moral seriousness of the offense,<a name="ZO-384_US_436n12ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n12"></a> <sup> <strong> [n12]</strong> </sup> to cast blame on the victim or on society.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n13ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n13"></a> <sup> <strong> [n13]</strong> </sup> These tactics are designed to put the subject in a psychological state where his story is but an elaboration of what the police purport to know already &#8212; that he is guilty. Explanations to the contrary are dismissed and discouraged.</p>
<p>The texts thus stress that the major qualities an interrogator should possess are patience and perseverance. <a name="pg_451"></a> <strong>[p451]</strong> One writer describes the efficacy of these characteristics in this manner:</p>
<p>In the preceding paragraphs, emphasis has been placed on kindness and stratagems. The investigator will, however, encounter many situations where the sheer weight of his personality will be the deciding factor. Where emotional appeals and tricks are employed to no avail, he must rely on an oppressive atmosphere of dogged persistence. He must interrogate steadily and without relent, leaving the subject no prospect of surcease. He must dominate his subject and overwhelm him with his inexorable will to obtain the truth. He should interrogate for a spell of several hours, pausing only for the subject&#8217;s necessities in acknowledgment of the need to avoid a charge of duress that can be technically substantiated. In a serious case, the interrogation may continue for days, with the required intervals for food and sleep, but with no respite from the atmosphere of domination. It is possible in this way to induce the subject to talk without resorting to duress or coercion. The method should be used only when the guilt of the subject appears highly probable.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n14ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n14"></a> <sup> <strong> [n14]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>The manuals suggest that the suspect be offered legal excuses for his actions in order to obtain an initial admission of guilt. Where there is a suspected revenge killing, for example, the interrogator may say:</p>
<p>Joe, you probably didn&#8217;t go out looking for this fellow with the purpose of shooting him. My guess is, however, that you expected something from him, and that&#8217;s why you carried a gun &#8212; for your own protection. You knew him for what he was, no good. Then when you met him, he probably started using foul, abusive language and he gave some indication <a name="pg_452"></a> <strong>[p452]</strong> that he was about to pull a gun on you, and that&#8217;s when you had to act to save your own life. That&#8217;s about it, isn&#8217;t it, Joe?<a name="ZO-384_US_436n15ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n15"></a> <sup> <strong> [n15]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>Having then obtained the admission of shooting, the interrogator is advised to refer to circumstantial evidence which negates the self-defense explanation. This should enable him to secure the entire story. One text notes that,</p>
<p>Even if he fails to do so, the inconsistency between the subject&#8217;s original denial of the shooting and his present admission of at least doing the shooting will serve to deprive him of a self-defense &#8220;out&#8221; at the time of trial.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n16ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n16"></a> <sup> <strong> [n16]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>When the techniques described above prove unavailing, the texts recommend they be alternated with a show of some hostility. One ploy often used has been termed the &#8220;friendly-unfriendly,&#8221; or the &#8220;Mutt and Jeff&#8221; act:</p>
<p>. . . In this technique, two agents are employed. Mutt, the relentless investigator, who knows the subject is guilty and is not going to waste any time. He&#8217;s sent a dozen men away for this crime, and he&#8217;s going to send the subject away for the full term. Jeff, on the other hand, is obviously a kindhearted man. He has a family himself. He has a brother who was involved in a little scrape like this. He disapproves of Mutt and his tactics, and will arrange to get him off the case if the subject will cooperate. He can&#8217;t hold Mutt off for very long. The subject would be wise to make a quick decision. The technique is applied by having both investigators present while Mutt acts out his role. Jeff may stand by quietly and demur at some of Mutt&#8217;s tactics. When Jeff makes his plea for cooperation, Mutt is not present in the room.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n17ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n17"></a> <sup> <strong> [n17]</strong> </sup> <a name="pg_453"></a> <strong>[p453]</strong></p>
<p>The interrogators sometimes are instructed to induce a confession out of trickery. The technique here is quite effective in crimes which require identification or which run in series. In the identification situation, the interrogator may take a break in his questioning to place the subject among a group of men in a line-up.</p>
<p>The witness or complainant (previously coached, if necessary) studies the line-up and confidently points out the subject as the guilty party.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n18ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n18"></a> <sup> <strong> [n18]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>Then the questioning resumes &#8220;as though there were now no doubt about the guilt of the subject.&#8221; A variation on this technique is called the &#8220;reverse line-up&#8221;:</p>
<p>The accused is placed in a line-up, but this time he is identified by several fictitious witnesses or victims who associated him with different offenses. It is expected that the subject will become desperate and confess to the offense under investigation in order to escape from the false accusations.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n19ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n19"></a> <sup> <strong> [n19]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>The manuals also contain instructions for police on how to handle the individual who refuses to discuss the matter entirely, or who asks for an attorney or relatives. The examiner is to concede him the right to remain silent.</p>
<p>This usually has a very undermining effect. First of all, he is disappointed in his expectation of an unfavorable reaction on the part of the interrogator. Secondly, a concession of this right to remain silent impresses <a name="pg_454"></a> <strong>[p454]</strong> the subject with the apparent fairness of his interrogator.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n20ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n20"></a> <sup> <strong> [n20]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>After this psychological conditioning, however, the officer is told to point out the incriminating significance of the suspect&#8217;s refusal to talk:</p>
<p>Joe, you have a right to remain silent. That&#8217;s your privilege, and I&#8217;m the last person in the world who&#8217;ll try to take it away from you. If that&#8217;s the way you want to leave this, O. K. But let me ask you this. Suppose you were in my shoes, and I were in yours, and you called me in to ask me about this, and I told you, &#8220;I don&#8217;t want to answer any of your questions.&#8221; You&#8217;d think I had something to hide, and you&#8217;d probably be right in thinking that. That&#8217;s exactly what I&#8217;ll have to think about you, and so will everybody else. So let&#8217;s sit here and talk this whole thing over.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n21ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n21"></a> <sup> <strong> [n21]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>Few will persist in their initial refusal to talk, it is said, if this monologue is employed correctly.</p>
<p>In the event that the subject wishes to speak to a relative or an attorney, the following advice is tendered:</p>
<p>[T]he interrogator should respond by suggesting that the subject first tell the truth to the interrogator himself, rather than get anyone else involved in the matter. If the request is for an attorney, the interrogator may suggest that the subject save himself or his family the expense of any such professional service, particularly if he is innocent of the offense under investigation. The interrogator may also add, &#8220;Joe, I&#8217;m only looking for the truth, and if you&#8217;re telling the truth, that&#8217;s it. You can handle this by yourself.&#8221;<a name="ZO-384_US_436n22ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n22"></a> <sup> <strong> [n22]</strong> </sup> <a name="pg_455"></a> <strong>[p455]</strong></p>
<p>From these representative samples of interrogation techniques, the setting prescribed by the manuals and observed in practice becomes clear. In essence, it is this: to be alone with the subject is essential to prevent distraction and to deprive him of any outside support. The aura of confidence in his guilt undermines his will to resist. He merely confirms the preconceived story the police seek to have him describe. Patience and persistence, at times relentless questioning, are employed. To obtain a confession, the interrogator must &#8220;patiently maneuver himself or his quarry into a position from which the desired objective may be attained.&#8221;<a name="ZO-384_US_436n23ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n23"></a> <sup> <strong> [n23]</strong> </sup> When normal procedures fail to produce the needed result, the police may resort to deceptive stratagems such as giving false legal advice. It is important to keep the subject off balance, for example, by trading on his insecurity about himself or his surroundings. The police then persuade, trick, or cajole him out of exercising his constitutional rights.</p>
<p>Even without employing brutality, the &#8220;third degree&#8221; or the specific stratagems described above, the very fact of custodial interrogation exacts a heavy toll on individual liberty, and trades on the weakness of individuals.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n24ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n24"></a> <sup> <strong> [n24]</strong> </sup> <a name="pg_456"></a> <strong>[p456]</strong> This fact may be illustrated simply by referring to three confession cases decided by this Court in the Term immediately preceding our Escobedo decision. In Townsend v. Sain, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/372/293/">372 U.S. 293</a> (1963), the defendant was a 19-year-old heroin addict, described as a &#8220;near mental defective,&#8221; id. at 307-310. The defendant in Lynumn v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/372/528/">372 U.S. 528</a> (1963), was a woman who confessed to the arresting officer after being importuned to &#8220;cooperate&#8221; in order to prevent her children from being taken by relief authorities. This Court, as in those cases, reversed the conviction of a defendant in Haynes v. Washington, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/373/503/">373 U.S. 503</a> (1963), whose persistent request during his interrogation was to phone his wife or attorney.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n25ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n25"></a> <sup> <strong> [n25]</strong> </sup> In other settings, these individuals might have exercised their constitutional rights. In the incommunicado police-dominated atmosphere, they succumbed.</p>
<p>In the cases before us today, given this background, we concern ourselves primarily with this interrogation atmosphere and the evils it can bring. In No. 759, Miranda v. Arizona, the police arrested the defendant and took him to a special interrogation room, where they secured a confession. In No. 760, Vignera v. New York, the defendant made oral admissions to the police after interrogation in the afternoon, and then signed an inculpatory statement upon being questioned by an assistant district attorney later the same evening. In No. 761, Westover v. United States, the defendant was handed over to the Federal Bureau of Investigation by <a name="pg_457"></a> <strong>[p457]</strong> local authorities after they had detained and interrogated him for a lengthy period, both at night and the following morning. After some two hours of questioning, the federal officers had obtained signed statements from the defendant. Lastly, in No. 584, California v. Stewart, the local police held the defendant five days in the station and interrogated him on nine separate occasions before they secured his inculpatory statement.</p>
<p>In these cases, we might not find the defendants&#8217; statements to have been involuntary in traditional terms. Our concern for adequate safeguards to protect precious Fifth Amendment rights is, of course, not lessened in the slightest. In each of the cases, the defendant was thrust into an unfamiliar atmosphere and run through menacing police interrogation procedures. The potentiality for compulsion is forcefully apparent, for example, in Miranda, where the indigent Mexican defendant was a seriously disturbed individual with pronounced sexual fantasies, and in Stewart, in which the defendant was an indigent Los Angeles Negro who had dropped out of school in the sixth grade. To be sure, the records do not evince overt physical coercion or patent psychological ploys. The fact remains that in none of these cases did the officers undertake to afford appropriate safeguards at the outset of the interrogation to insure that the statements were truly the product of free choice.</p>
<p>It is obvious that such an interrogation environment is created for no purpose other than to subjugate the individual to the will of his examiner. This atmosphere carries its own badge of intimidation. To be sure, this is not physical intimidation, but it is equally destructive of human dignity.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n26ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n26"></a> <sup> <strong> [n26]</strong> </sup> The current practice of incommunicado interrogation is at odds with one of our <a name="pg_458"></a> <strong>[p458]</strong> Nation&#8217;s most cherished principles &#8212; that the individual may not be compelled to incriminate himself. Unless adequate protective devices are employed to dispel the compulsion inherent in custodial surroundings, no statement obtained from the defendant can truly be the product of his free choice.</p>
<p>From the foregoing, we can readily perceive an intimate connection between the privilege against self-incrimination and police custodial questioning. It is fitting to turn to history and precedent underlying the Self-Incrimination Clause to determine its applicability in this situation.</p>
<p>II</p>
<p>We sometimes forget how long it has taken to establish the privilege against self-incrimination, the sources from which it came, and the fervor with which it was defended. Its roots go back into ancient times.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n27ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n27"></a> <sup> <strong> [n27]</strong> </sup> Perhaps <a name="pg_459"></a> <strong>[p459]</strong> the critical historical event shedding light on its origins and evolution was the trial of one John Lilburn, a vocal anti-Stuart Leveller, who was made to take the Star Chamber Oath in 1637. The oath would have bound him to answer to all questions posed to him on any subject. The Trial of John Lilburn and John Wharton, 3 How.St.Tr. 1315 (1637). He resisted the oath and declaimed the proceedings, stating:</p>
<p>Another fundamental right I then contended for was that no man&#8217;s conscience ought to be racked by oaths imposed to answer to questions concerning himself in matters criminal, or pretended to be so.</p>
<p>Haller &amp; Davies, The Leveller Tracts 1647-1653, p. 454 (1944)</p>
<p>On account of the Lilburn Trial, Parliament abolished the inquisitorial Court of Star Chamber and went further in giving him generous reparation. The lofty principles to which Lilburn had appealed during his trial gained popular acceptance in England.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n28ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n28"></a> <sup> <strong> [n28]</strong> </sup> These sentiments worked their way over to the Colonies, and were implanted after great struggle into the Bill of Rights.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n29ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n29"></a> <sup> <strong> [n29]</strong> </sup> Those who framed our Constitution and the Bill of Rights were ever aware of subtle encroachments on individual liberty. They knew that</p>
<p>illegitimate and unconstitutional practices get their first footing . . . by silent approaches and slight deviations from legal modes of procedure.</p>
<p>Boyd v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/116/616/">116 U.S. 616</a>, 635 (1886). The privilege was elevated to constitutional status, and has always been &#8220;as broad as the mischief <a name="pg_460"></a> <strong>[p460]</strong> against which it seeks to guard.&#8221; Counselman v. Hitchcock, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/142/547/">142 U.S. 547</a>, 562 (1892). We cannot depart from this noble heritage.</p>
<p>Thus, we may view the historical development of the privilege as one which groped for the proper scope of governmental power over the citizen. As a &#8220;noble principle often transcends its origins,&#8221; the privilege has come rightfully to be recognized in part as an individual&#8217;s substantive right, a &#8220;right to a private enclave where he may lead a private life. That right is the hallmark of our democracy.&#8221; United States v. Grunewald, 233 F.2d 556, 579, 581-582 (Frank, J., dissenting), rev&#8217;d, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/353/391/">353 U.S. 391</a> (1957). We have recently noted that the privilege against self-incrimination &#8212; the essential mainstay of our adversary system &#8212; is founded on a complex of values, Murphy v. Waterfront Comm&#8217;n, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/52/">378 U.S. 52</a>, 55-57, n. 5 (1964); Tehan v. Shott, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/382/406/">382 U.S. 406</a>, 414-415, n. 12 (1966). All these policies point to one overriding thought: the constitutional foundation underlying the privilege is the respect a government &#8212; state or federal &#8212; must accord to the dignity and integrity of its citizens. To maintain a &#8220;fair state-individual balance,&#8221; to require the government &#8220;to shoulder the entire load,&#8221; 8 Wigmore, Evidence 317 (McNaughton rev.1961), to respect the inviolability of the human personality, our accusatory system of criminal justice demands that the government seeking to punish an individual produce the evidence against him by its own independent labors, rather than by the cruel, simple expedient of compelling it from his own mouth. Chambers v. Florida, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/309/227/">309 U.S. 227</a>, 235-238 (1940). In sum, the privilege is fulfilled only when the person is guaranteed the right &#8220;to remain silent unless he chooses to speak in the unfettered exercise of his own will.&#8221; Malloy v. Hogan, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/1/">378 U.S. 1</a>, 8 (1964).</p>
<p>The question in these cases is whether the privilege is fully applicable during a period of custodial interrogation. <a name="pg_461"></a> <strong>[p461]</strong> In this Court, the privilege has consistently been accorded a liberal construction. Albertson v. SACB, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/382/70/">382 U.S. 70</a>, 81 (1965); Hoffman v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/341/479/">341 U.S. 479</a>, 486 (1951); Arndstein v. McCarthy, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/254/71/">254 U.S. 71</a>, 72-73 (1920); Counselman v. Hitchock, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/142/547/">142 U.S. 547</a>, 562 (1892). We are satisfied that all the principles embodied in the privilege apply to informal compulsion exerted by law enforcement officers during in-custody questioning. An individual swept from familiar surroundings into police custody, surrounded by antagonistic forces, and subjected to the techniques of persuasion described above cannot be otherwise than under compulsion to speak. As a practical matter, the compulsion to speak in the isolated setting of the police station may well be greater than in courts or other official investigations, where there are often impartial observers to guard against intimidation or trickery.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n30ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n30"></a> <sup> <strong> [n30]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>This question, in fact, could have been taken as settled in federal courts almost 70 years ago, when, in Bram v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/168/532/">168 U.S. 532</a>, 542 (1897), this Court held:</p>
<p>In criminal trials, in the courts of the United States, wherever a question arises whether a confession is incompetent because not voluntary, the issue is controlled by that portion of the Fifth Amendment . . . commanding that no person &#8220;shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself.&#8221;</p>
<p>In Bram, the Court reviewed the British and American history and case law and set down the Fifth Amendment standard for compulsion which we implement today:</p>
<p>Much of the confusion which has resulted from the effort to deduce from the adjudged cases what <a name="pg_462"></a> <strong>[p462]</strong> would be a sufficient quantum of proof to show that a confession was or was not voluntary, has arisen from a misconception of the subject to which the proof must address itself. The rule is not that, in order to render a statement admissible, the proof must be adequate to establish that the particular communications contained in a statement were voluntarily made, but it must be sufficient to establish that the making of the statement was voluntary; that is to say, that from the causes, which the law treats as legally sufficient to engender in the mind of the accused hope or fear in respect to the crime charged, the accused was not involuntarily impelled to make a statement, when, but for the improper influences, he would have remained silent. . . .</p>
<p>168 U.S. at 549. And see id. at 542.</p>
<p>The Court has adhered to this reasoning. In 1924, Mr. Justice Brandeis wrote for a unanimous Court in reversing a conviction resting on a compelled confession, Wan v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/266/1/">266 U.S. 1</a>. He stated:</p>
<p>In the federal courts, the requisite of voluntariness is not satisfied by establishing merely that the confession was not induced by a promise or a threat. A confession is voluntary in law if, and only if, it was, in fact, voluntarily made. A confession may have been given voluntarily, although it was made to police officers, while in custody, and in answer to an examination conducted by them. But a confession obtained by compulsion must be excluded whatever may have been the character of the compulsion, and whether the compulsion was applied in a judicial proceeding or otherwise. Bram v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/168/532/">168 U.S. 532</a>.</p>
<p>266 U.S. at 14-15. In addition to the expansive historical development of the privilege and the sound policies which have nurtured <a name="pg_463"></a> <strong>[p463]</strong> its evolution, judicial precedent thus clearly establishes its application to incommunicado interrogation. In fact, the Government concedes this point as well established in No. 761, Westover v. United States, stating:</p>
<p>We have no doubt . . . that it is possible for a suspect&#8217;s Fifth Amendment right to be violated during in-custody questioning by a law enforcement officer.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n31ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n31"></a> <sup> <strong> [n31]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>Because of the adoption by Congress of Rule 5(a) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and this Court&#8217;s effectuation of that Rule in McNabb v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/318/332/">318 U.S. 332</a> (1943), and Mallory v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/354/449/">354 U.S. 449</a> (1957), we have had little occasion in the past quarter century to reach the constitutional issues in dealing with federal interrogations. These supervisory rules, requiring production of an arrested person before a commissioner &#8220;without unnecessary delay&#8221; and excluding evidence obtained in default of that statutory obligation, were nonetheless responsive to the same considerations of Fifth Amendment policy that unavoidably face us now as to the States. In McNabb, 318 U.S. at 343-344, and in Mallory, 354 U.S. at 455-456, we recognized both the dangers of interrogation and the appropriateness of prophylaxis stemming from the very fact of interrogation itself.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n32ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n32"></a> <sup> <strong> [n32]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>Our decision in Malloy v. Hogan, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/1/">378 U.S. 1</a> (1964), necessitates an examination of the scope of the privilege in state cases as well. In Malloy, we squarely held the <a name="pg_464"></a> <strong>[p464]</strong> privilege applicable to the States, and held that the substantive standards underlying the privilege applied with full force to state court proceedings. There, as in Murphy v. Waterfront Comm&#8217;n, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/52/">378 U.S. 52</a> (1964), and Griffin v. California, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/380/609/">380 U.S. 609</a> (1965), we applied the existing Fifth Amendment standards to the case before us. Aside from the holding itself, the reasoning in Malloy made clear what had already become apparent &#8212; that the substantive and procedural safeguards surrounding admissibility of confessions in state cases had become exceedingly exacting, reflecting all the policies embedded in the privilege, 378 U.S. at 7-8.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n33ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n33"></a> <sup> <strong> [n33]</strong> </sup> The voluntariness doctrine in the state cases, as Malloy indicates, encompasses all interrogation practices which are likely to exert such pressure upon an individual as to disable him from <a name="pg_465"></a> <strong>[p465]</strong> making a free and rational choice.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n34ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n34"></a> <sup> <strong> [n34]</strong> </sup> The implications of this proposition were elaborated in our decision in Escobedo v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/478/">378 U.S. 478</a>, decided one week after Malloy applied the privilege to the States.</p>
<p>Our holding there stressed the fact that the police had not advised the defendant of his constitutional privilege to remain silent at the outset of the interrogation, and we drew attention to that fact at several points in the decision, 378 U.S. at 483, 485, 491. This was no isolated factor, but an essential ingredient in our decision. The entire thrust of police interrogation there, as in all the cases today, was to put the defendant in such an emotional state as to impair his capacity for rational judgment. The abdication of the constitutional privilege &#8212; the choice on his part to speak to the police &#8212; was not made knowingly or competently because of the failure to apprise him of his rights; the compelling atmosphere of the in-custody interrogation, and not an independent decision on his part, caused the defendant to speak.</p>
<p>A different phase of the Escobedo decision was significant in its attention to the absence of counsel during the questioning. There, as in the cases today, we sought a protective device to dispel the compelling atmosphere of the interrogation. In Escobedo, however, the police did not relieve the defendant of the anxieties which they had created in the interrogation rooms. Rather, they denied his request for the assistance of counsel, 378 U.S. at 481, 488, 491.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n35ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n35"></a> <sup> <strong> [n35]</strong> </sup> This heightened his dilemma, and <a name="pg_466"></a> <strong>[p466]</strong> made his later statements the product of this compulsion. Cf. Haynes v. Washington, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/373/503/">373 U.S. 503</a>, 514 (1963). The denial of the defendant&#8217;s request for his attorney thus undermined his ability to exercise the privilege &#8212; to remain silent if he chose or to speak without any intimidation, blatant or subtle. The presence of counsel, in all the cases before us today, would he the adequate protective device necessary to make the process of police interrogation conform to the dictates of the privilege. His presence would insure that statements made in the government-established atmosphere are not the product of compulsion.</p>
<p>It was in this manner that Escobedo explicated another facet of the pretrial privilege, noted in many of the Court&#8217;s prior decisions: the protection of rights at trial.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n36ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n36"></a> <sup> <strong> [n36]</strong> </sup> That counsel is present when statements are taken from an individual during interrogation obviously enhances the integrity of the factfinding processes in court. The presence of an attorney, and the warnings delivered to the individual, enable the defendant under otherwise compelling circumstances to tell his story without fear, effectively, and in a way that eliminates the evils in the interrogation process. Without the protections flowing from adequate warnings and the rights of counsel,</p>
<p>all the careful safeguards erected around the giving of testimony, whether by an accused or any other witness, would become empty formalities in a procedure where the most compelling possible evidence of guilt, a confession, would have already been obtained at the unsupervised pleasure of the police.</p>
<p>Mapp v. Ohio, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/367/643/">367 U.S. 643</a>, 685 (1961) (HARLAN, J., dissenting). Cf. Pointer v. Texas, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/380/400/">380 U.S. 400</a> (1965). <a name="pg_467"></a> <strong>[p467]</strong></p>
<p>III</p>
<p>Today, then, there can be no doubt that the Fifth Amendment privilege is available outside of criminal court proceedings, and serves to protect persons in all settings in which their freedom of action is curtailed in any significant way from being compelled to incriminate themselves. We have concluded that, without proper safeguards, the process of in-custody interrogation of persons suspected or accused of crime contains inherently compelling pressures which work to undermine the individual&#8217;s will to resist and to compel him to speak where he would not otherwise do so freely. In order to combat these pressures and to permit a full opportunity to exercise the privilege against self-incrimination, the accused must be adequately and effectively apprised of his rights, and the exercise of those rights must be fully honored.</p>
<p>It is impossible for us to foresee the potential alternatives for protecting the privilege which might be devised by Congress or the States in the exercise of their creative rulemaking capacities. Therefore, we cannot say that the Constitution necessarily requires adherence to any particular solution for the inherent compulsions of the interrogation process as it is presently conducted. Our decision in no way creates a constitutional straitjacket which will handicap sound efforts at reform, nor is it intended to have this effect. We encourage Congress and the States to continue their laudable search for increasingly effective ways of protecting the rights of the individual while promoting efficient enforcement of our criminal laws. However, unless we are shown other procedures which are at least as effective in apprising accused persons of their right of silence and in assuring a continuous opportunity to exercise it, the following safeguards must be observed.</p>
<p>At the outset, if a person in custody is to be subjected to interrogation, he must first be informed in clear and <a name="pg_468"></a> <strong>[p468]</strong> unequivocal terms that he has the right to remain silent. For those unaware of the privilege, the warning is needed simply to make them aware of it &#8212; the threshold requirement for an intelligent decision as to its exercise. More important, such a warning is an absolute prerequisite in overcoming the inherent pressures of the interrogation atmosphere. It is not just the subnormal or woefully ignorant who succumb to an interrogator&#8217;s imprecations, whether implied or expressly stated, that the interrogation will continue until a confession is obtained or that silence in the face of accusation is itself damning, and will bode ill when presented to a jury.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n37ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n37"></a> <sup> <strong> [n37]</strong> </sup> Further, the warning will show the individual that his interrogators are prepared to recognize his privilege should he choose to exercise it.</p>
<p>The Fifth Amendment privilege is so fundamental to our system of constitutional rule, and the expedient of giving an adequate warning as to the availability of the privilege so simple, we will not pause to inquire in individual cases whether the defendant was aware of his rights without a warning being given. Assessments of the knowledge the defendant possessed, based on information <a name="pg_469"></a> <strong>[p469]</strong> as to his age, education, intelligence, or prior contact with authorities, can never be more than speculation;<a name="ZO-384_US_436n38ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n38"></a> <sup> <strong> [n38]</strong> </sup> a warning is a clear-cut fact. More important, whatever the background of the person interrogated, a warning at the time of the interrogation is indispensable to overcome its pressures and to insure that the individual knows he is free to exercise the privilege at that point in time.</p>
<p>The warning of the right to remain silent must be accompanied by the explanation that anything said can and will be used against the individual in court. This warning is needed in order to make him aware not only of the privilege, but also of the consequences of forgoing it. It is only through an awareness of these consequences that there can be any assurance of real understanding and intelligent exercise of the privilege. Moreover, this warning may serve to make the individual more acutely aware that he is faced with a phase of the adversary system &#8212; that he is not in the presence of persons acting solely in his interest.</p>
<p>The circumstances surrounding in-custody interrogation can operate very quickly to overbear the will of one merely made aware of his privilege by his interrogators. Therefore, the right to have counsel present at the interrogation is indispensable to the protection of the Fifth Amendment privilege under the system we delineate today. Our aim is to assure that the individual&#8217;s right to choose between silence and speech remains unfettered throughout the interrogation process. A once-stated warning, delivered by those who will conduct the interrogation, cannot itself suffice to that end among those who most require knowledge of their rights. A mere <a name="pg_470"></a> <strong>[p470]</strong> warning given by the interrogators is not alone sufficient to accomplish that end. Prosecutors themselves claim that the admonishment of the right to remain silent, without more, &#8220;will benefit only the recidivist and the professional.&#8221; Brief for the National District Attorneys Association as amicus curiae, p. 14. Even preliminary advice given to the accused by his own attorney can be swiftly overcome by the secret interrogation process. Cf. Escobedo v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/478/">378 U.S. 478</a>, 485, n. 5. Thus, the need for counsel to protect the Fifth Amendment privilege comprehends not merely a right to consult with counsel prior to questioning, but also to have counsel present during any questioning if the defendant so desires.</p>
<p>The presence of counsel at the interrogation may serve several significant subsidiary functions, as well. If the accused decides to talk to his interrogators, the assistance of counsel can mitigate the dangers of untrustworthiness. With a lawyer present, the likelihood that the police will practice coercion is reduced, and, if coercion is nevertheless exercised, the lawyer can testify to it in court. The presence of a lawyer can also help to guarantee that the accused gives a fully accurate statement to the police, and that the statement is rightly reported by the prosecution at trial. See Crooker v. California, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/357/433/">357 U.S. 433</a>, 443-448 (1958) (DOUGLAS, J., dissenting).</p>
<p>An individual need not make a pre-interrogation request for a lawyer. While such request affirmatively secures his right to have one, his failure to ask for a lawyer does not constitute a waiver. No effective waiver of the right to counsel during interrogation can be recognized unless specifically made after the warnings we here delineate have been given. The accused who does not know his rights and therefore does not make a request <a name="pg_471"></a> <strong>[p471]</strong> may be the person who most needs counsel. As the California Supreme Court has aptly put it:</p>
<p>Finally, we must recognize that the imposition of the requirement for the request would discriminate against the defendant who does not know his rights. The defendant who does not ask for counsel is the very defendant who most needs counsel. We cannot penalize a defendant who, not understanding his constitutional rights, does not make the formal request, and, by such failure, demonstrates his helplessness. To require the request would be to favor the defendant whose sophistication or status had fortuitously prompted him to make it.</p>
<p>People v. Dorado, 62 Cal.2d 338, 351, 398 P.2d 361, 369-370, 42 Cal.Rptr. 169, 177-178 (1965) (Tobriner, J.). In Carnley v. Cochran, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/369/506/">369 U.S. 506</a>, 513 (1962), we stated:</p>
<p>[I]t is settled that, where the assistance of counsel is a constitutional requisite, the right to be furnished counsel does not depend on a request.</p>
<p>This proposition applies with equal force in the context of providing counsel to protect an accused&#8217;s Fifth Amendment privilege in the face of interrogation.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n39ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n39"></a> <sup> <strong> [n39]</strong> </sup> Although the role of counsel at trial differs from the role during interrogation, the differences are not relevant to the question whether a request is a prerequisite.</p>
<p>Accordingly, we hold that an individual held for interrogation must be clearly informed that he has the right to consult with a lawyer and to have the lawyer with him during interrogation under the system for protecting the privilege we delineate today. As with the warnings of the right to remain silent and that anything stated can be used in evidence against him, this warning is an absolute prerequisite to interrogation. No amount of <a name="pg_472"></a> <strong>[p472]</strong> circumstantial evidence that the person may have been aware of this right will suffice to stand in its stead. Only through such a warning is there ascertainable assurance that the accused was aware of this right.</p>
<p>If an individual indicates that he wishes the assistance of counsel before any interrogation occurs, the authorities cannot rationally ignore or deny his request on the basis that the individual does not have or cannot afford a retained attorney. The financial ability of the individual has no relationship to the scope of the rights involved here. The privilege against self-incrimination secured by the Constitution applies to all individuals. The need for counsel in order to protect the privilege exists for the indigent as well as the affluent. In fact, were we to limit these constitutional rights to those who can retain an attorney, our decisions today would be of little significance. The cases before us, as well as the vast majority of confession cases with which we have dealt in the past, involve those unable to retain counsel.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n40ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n40"></a> <sup> <strong> [n40]</strong> </sup> While authorities are not required to relieve the accused of his poverty, they have the obligation not to take advantage of indigence in the administration of justice.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n41ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n41"></a> <sup> <strong> [n41]</strong> </sup> Denial <a name="pg_473"></a> <strong>[p473]</strong> of counsel to the indigent at the time of interrogation while allowing an attorney to those who can afford one would be no more supportable by reason or logic than the similar situation at trial and on appeal struck down in Gideon v. Wainwright, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/372/335/">372 U.S. 335</a> (1963), and Douglas v. California, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/372/353/">372 U.S. 353</a> (1963).</p>
<p>In order fully to apprise a person interrogated of the extent of his rights under this system, then, it is necessary to warn him not only that he has the right to consult with an attorney, but also that, if he is indigent, a lawyer will be appointed to represent him. Without this additional warning, the admonition of the right to consult with counsel would often be understood as meaning only that he can consult with a lawyer if he has one or has the funds to obtain one. The warning of a right to counsel would be hollow if not couched in terms that would convey to the indigent &#8212; the person most often subjected to interrogation &#8212; the knowledge that he too has a right to have counsel present.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n42ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n42"></a> <sup> <strong> [n42]</strong> </sup> As with the warnings of the right to remain silent and of the general right to counsel, only by effective and express explanation to the indigent of this right can there be assurance that he was truly in a position to exercise it.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n43ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n43"></a> <sup> <strong> [n43]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>Once warnings have been given, the subsequent procedure is clear. If the individual indicates in any manner, <a name="pg_474"></a> <strong>[p474]</strong> at any time prior to or during questioning, that he wishes to remain silent, the interrogation must cease.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n44ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n44"></a> <sup> <strong> [n44]</strong> </sup> At this point, he has shown that he intends to exercise his Fifth Amendment privilege; any statement taken after the person invokes his privilege cannot be other than the product of compulsion, subtle or otherwise. Without the right to cut off questioning, the setting of in-custody interrogation operates on the individual to overcome free choice in producing a statement after the privilege has been once invoked. If the individual states that he wants an attorney, the interrogation must cease until an attorney is present. At that time, the individual must have an opportunity to confer with the attorney and to have him present during any subsequent questioning. If the individual cannot obtain an attorney and he indicates that he wants one before speaking to police, they must respect his decision to remain silent.</p>
<p>This does not mean, as some have suggested, that each police station must have a &#8220;station house lawyer&#8221; present at all times to advise prisoners. It does mean, however, that, if police propose to interrogate a person, they must make known to him that he is entitled to a lawyer and that, if he cannot afford one, a lawyer will be provided for him prior to any interrogation. If authorities conclude that they will not provide counsel during a reasonable period of time in which investigation in the field is carried out, they may refrain from doing so without violating the person&#8217;s Fifth Amendment privilege so long as they do not question him during that time. <a name="pg_475"></a> <strong>[p475]</strong></p>
<p>If the interrogation continues without the presence of an attorney and a statement is taken, a heavy burden rests on the government to demonstrate that the defendant knowingly and intelligently waived his privilege against self-incrimination and his right to retained or appointed counsel. Escobedo v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/478/">378 U.S. 478</a>, 490, n. 14. This Court has always set high standards of proof for the waiver of constitutional rights, Johnson v. Zerbst, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/304/458/">304 U.S. 458</a> (1938), and we reassert these standards as applied to in-custody interrogation. Since the State is responsible for establishing the isolated circumstances under which the interrogation takes place, and has the only means of making available corroborated evidence of warnings given during incommunicado interrogation, the burden is rightly on its shoulders.</p>
<p>An express statement that the individual is willing to make a statement and does not want an attorney, followed closely by a statement, could constitute a waiver. But a valid waiver will not be presumed simply from the silence of the accused after warnings are given, or simply from the fact that a confession was, in fact, eventually obtained. A statement we made in Carnley v. Cochran, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/369/506/">369 U.S. 506</a>, 516 (1962), is applicable here:</p>
<p>Presuming waiver from a silent record is impermissible. The record must show, or there must be an allegation and evidence which show, that an accused was offered counsel but intelligently and understandingly rejected the offer. Anything less is not waiver.</p>
<p>See also Glasser v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/315/60/">315 U.S. 60</a> (1942). Moreover, where in-custody interrogation is involved, there is no room for the contention that the privilege is waived if the individual answers some questions or gives <a name="pg_476"></a> <strong>[p476]</strong> some information on his own prior to invoking his right to remain silent when interrogated.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n45ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n45"></a> <sup> <strong> [n45]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>Whatever the testimony of the authorities as to waiver of rights by an accused, the fact of lengthy interrogation or incommunicado incarceration before a statement is made is strong evidence that the accused did not validly waive his rights. In these circumstances, the fact that the individual eventually made a statement is consistent with the conclusion that the compelling influence of the interrogation finally forced him to do so. It is inconsistent with any notion of a voluntary relinquishment of the privilege. Moreover, any evidence that the accused was threatened, tricked, or cajoled into a waiver will, of course, show that the defendant did not voluntarily waive his privilege. The requirement of warnings and waiver of rights is a fundamental with respect to the Fifth Amendment privilege, and not simply a preliminary ritual to existing methods of interrogation.</p>
<p>The warnings required and the waiver necessary in accordance with our opinion today are, in the absence of a fully effective equivalent, prerequisites to the admissibility of any statement made by a defendant. No distinction can be drawn between statements which are direct confessions and statements which amount to &#8220;admissions&#8221; of part or all of an offense. The privilege against self-incrimination protects the individual from being compelled to incriminate himself in any manner; it does not distinguish degrees of incrimination. Similarly, <a name="pg_477"></a> <strong>[p477]</strong> for precisely the same reason, no distinction may be drawn between inculpatory statements and statements alleged to be merely &#8220;exculpatory.&#8221; If a statement made were, in fact, truly exculpatory, it would, of course, never be used by the prosecution. In fact, statements merely intended to be exculpatory by the defendant are often used to impeach his testimony at trial or to demonstrate untruths in the statement given under interrogation, and thus to prove guilt by implication. These statements are incriminating in any meaningful sense of the word, and may not be used without the full warnings and effective waiver required for any other statement. In Escobedo itself, the defendant fully intended his accusation of another as the slayer to be exculpatory as to himself.</p>
<p>The principles announced today deal with the protection which must be given to the privilege against self-incrimination when the individual is first subjected to police interrogation while in custody at the station or otherwise deprived of his freedom of action in any significant way. It is at this point that our adversary system of criminal proceedings commences, distinguishing itself at the outset from the inquisitorial system recognized in some countries. Under the system of warnings we delineate today, or under any other system which may be devised and found effective, the safeguards to be erected about the privilege must come into play at this point.</p>
<p>Our decision is not intended to hamper the traditional function of police officers in investigating crime. See Escobedo v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/478/">378 U.S. 478</a>, 492. When an individual is in custody on probable cause, the police may, of course, seek out evidence in the field to be used at trial against him. Such investigation may include inquiry of persons not under restraint. General on-the-scene questioning as to facts surrounding a crime or other general questioning of citizens in the factfinding process is not affected by our holding. It is an act of <a name="pg_478"></a> <strong>[p478]</strong> responsible citizenship for individuals to give whatever information they may have to aid in law enforcement. In such situations, the compelling atmosphere inherent in the process of in-custody interrogation is not necessarily present.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n46ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n46"></a> <sup> <strong> [n46]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>In dealing with statements obtained through interrogation, we do not purport to find all confessions inadmissible. Confessions remain a proper element in law enforcement. Any statement given freely and voluntarily without any compelling influences is, of course, admissible in evidence. The fundamental import of the privilege while an individual is in custody is not whether he is allowed to talk to the police without the benefit of warnings and counsel, but whether he can be interrogated. There is no requirement that police stop a person who enters a police station and states that he wishes to confess to a crime,<a name="ZO-384_US_436n47ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n47"></a> <sup> <strong> [n47]</strong> </sup> or a person who calls the police to offer a confession or any other statement he desires to make. Volunteered statements of any kind are not barred by the Fifth Amendment, and their admissibility is not affected by our holding today.</p>
<p>To summarize, we hold that, when an individual is taken into custody or otherwise deprived of his freedom by the authorities in any significant way and is subjected to questioning, the privilege against self-incrimination is jeopardized. Procedural safeguards must be employed to <a name="pg_479"></a> <strong>[p479]</strong> protect the privilege, and unless other fully effective means are adopted to notify the person of his right of silence and to assure that the exercise of the right will be scrupulously honored, the following measures are required. He must be warned prior to any questioning that he has the right to remain silent, that anything he says can be used against him in a court of law, that he has the right to the presence of an attorney, and that, if he cannot afford an attorney one will be appointed for him prior to any questioning if he so desires. Opportunity to exercise these rights must be afforded to him throughout the interrogation. After such warnings have been given, and such opportunity afforded him, the individual may knowingly and intelligently waive these rights and agree to answer questions or make a statement. But unless and until such warnings and waiver are demonstrated by the prosecution at trial, no evidence obtained as a result of interrogation can be used against him.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n48ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n48"></a> <sup> <strong> [n48]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>IV</p>
<p>A recurrent argument made in these cases is that society&#8217;s need for interrogation outweighs the privilege. This argument is not unfamiliar to this Court. See, e.g., Chambers v. Florida, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/309/227/">309 U.S. 227</a>, 240-241 (1940). The whole thrust of our foregoing discussion demonstrates that the Constitution has prescribed the rights of the individual when confronted with the power of government when it provided in the Fifth Amendment that an individual cannot be compelled to be a witness against himself. That right cannot be abridged. As Mr. Justice Brandeis once observed:</p>
<p>Decency, security and liberty alike demand that government officials shall be subjected to the same <a name="pg_480"></a> <strong>[p480]</strong> rules of conduct that are commands to the citizen. In a government of laws, existence of the government will be imperilled if it fail to observe the law scrupulously. Our Government is the potent, the omnipresent teacher. For good or for ill, it teaches the whole people by its example. Crime is contagious. If the Government becomes a lawbreaker, it breeds contempt for law; it invites every man to become a law unto himself; it invites anarchy. To declare that, in the administration of the criminal law, the end justifies the means . . . would bring terrible retribution. Against that pernicious doctrine this Court should resolutely set its face.</p>
<p>Olmstead v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/277/438/">277 U.S. 438</a>, 485 (1928) (dissenting opinion).<a name="ZO-384_US_436n49ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n49"></a> <sup> <strong> [n49]</strong> </sup> In this connection, one of our country&#8217;s distinguished jurists has pointed out: &#8220;The quality of a nation&#8217;s civilization can be largely measured by the methods it uses in the enforcement of its criminal law.&#8221;<a name="ZO-384_US_436n50ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n50"></a> <sup> <strong> [n50]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>If the individual desires to exercise his privilege, he has the right to do so. This is not for the authorities to decide. An attorney may advise his client not to talk to police until he has had an opportunity to investigate the case, or he may wish to be present with his client during any police questioning. In doing so an attorney is merely exercising the good professional judgment he has been taught. This is not cause for considering the attorney a menace to law enforcement. He is merely carrying out what he is sworn to do under his oath &#8212; to protect to the extent of his ability the rights of his client. <a name="pg_481"></a> <strong>[p481]</strong> In fulfilling this responsibility, the attorney plays a vital role in the administration of criminal justice under our Constitution.</p>
<p>In announcing these principles, we are not unmindful of the burdens which law enforcement officials must bear, often under trying circumstances. We also fully recognize the obligation of all citizens to aid in enforcing the criminal laws. This Court, while protecting individual rights, has always given ample latitude to law enforcement agencies in the legitimate exercise of their duties. The limits we have placed on the interrogation process should not constitute an undue interference with a proper system of law enforcement. As we have noted, our decision does not in any way preclude police from carrying out their traditional investigatory functions. Although confessions may play an important role in some convictions, the cases before us present graphic examples of the overstatement of the &#8220;need&#8221; for confessions. In each case, authorities conducted interrogations ranging up to five days in duration despite the presence, through standard investigating practices, of considerable evidence against each defendant.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n51ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n51"></a> <sup> <strong> [n51]</strong> </sup> Further examples are chronicled in our prior cases. See, e.g., Haynes v. Washington, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/373/503/">373 U.S. 503</a>, 518-519 (1963); Rogers v. Richmond, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/365/534/">365 U.S. 534</a>, 541 (1961); Malinski v. New York, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/324/401/">324 U.S. 401</a>,402 (1945).<a name="ZO-384_US_436n52ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n52"></a> <sup> <strong> [n52]</strong> </sup> <a name="pg_482"></a> <strong>[p482]</strong></p>
<p>It is also urged that an unfettered right to detention for interrogation should be allowed because it will often redound to the benefit of the person questioned. When police inquiry determines that there is no reason to believe that the person has committed any crime, it is said, he will be released without need for further formal procedures. The person who has committed no offense, however, will be better able to clear himself after warnings with counsel present than without. It can be assumed that, in such circumstances, a lawyer would advise his client to talk freely to police in order to clear himself.</p>
<p>Custodial interrogation, by contrast, does not necessarily afford the innocent an opportunity to clear themselves. A serious consequence of the present practice of the interrogation alleged to be beneficial for the innocent is that many arrests &#8220;for investigation&#8221; subject large numbers of innocent persons to detention and interrogation. In one of the cases before us, No. 584, California v. Stewart, police held four persons, who were in the defendant&#8217;s house at the time of the arrest, in jail for five days until defendant confessed. At that time, they were finally released. Police stated that there was &#8220;no evidence to connect them with any crime.&#8221; Available statistics on the extent of this practice where it is condoned indicate that these four are far from alone in being subjected to arrest, prolonged detention, and interrogation without the requisite probable cause.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n53ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n53"></a> <sup> <strong> [n53]</strong> </sup> <a name="pg_483"></a> <strong>[p483]</strong></p>
<p>Over the years, the Federal Bureau of Investigation has compiled an exemplary record of effective law enforcement while advising any suspect or arrested person, at the outset of an interview, that he is not required to make a statement, that any statement may be used against him in court, that the individual may obtain the services of an attorney of his own choice, and, more recently, that he has a right to free counsel if he is unable to pay.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n54ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n54"></a> <sup> <strong> [n54]</strong> </sup> A letter received from the Solicitor General in response to a question from the Bench makes it clear that the present pattern of warnings and respect for the <a name="pg_484"></a> <strong>[p484]</strong> rights of the individual followed as a practice by the FBI is consistent with the procedure which we delineate today. It states:</p>
<p>At the oral argument of the above cause, Mr. Justice Fortas asked whether I could provide certain information as to the practices followed by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. I have directed these questions to the attention of the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and am submitting herewith a statement of the questions and of the answers which we have received.</p>
<p>(1) When an individual is interviewed by agents of the Bureau, what warning is given to him?</p>
<p>The standard warning long given by Special Agents of the FBI to both suspects and persons under arrest is that the person has a right to say nothing and a right to counsel, and that any statement he does make may be used against him in court. Examples of this warning are to be found in the Westover case at 342 F.2d 684 (1965), and Jackson v. U.S., 337 F.2d 136 (1964), cert. den., <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/380/935/">380 U.S. 935</a>.</p>
<p>After passage of the Criminal Justice Act of 1964, which provides free counsel for Federal defendants unable to pay, we added to our instructions to Special Agents the requirement that any person who is under arrest for an offense under FBI jurisdiction, or whose arrest is contemplated following the interview, must also be advised of his right to free counsel if he is unable to pay, and the fact that such counsel will be assigned by the Judge. At the same time, we broadened the right to counsel warning <a name="pg_485"></a> <strong>[p485]</strong> to read counsel of his own choice, or anyone else with whom he might wish to speak.</p>
<p>(2) When is the warning given?</p>
<p>The FBI warning is given to a suspect at the very outset of the interview, as shown in the Westover case, cited above. The warning may be given to a person arrested as soon as practicable after the arrest, as shown in the Jackson case, also cited above, and in U.S. v. Konigsberg, 336 F.2d 844 (1964), cert. den., <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/379/933/">379 U.S. 933</a>, but, in any event, it must precede the interview with the person for a confession or admission of his own guilt.</p>
<p>(3) What is the Bureau&#8217;s practice in the event that (a) the individual requests counsel and (b) counsel appears?</p>
<p>When the person who has been warned of his right to counsel decides that he wishes to consult with counsel before making a statement, the interview is terminated at that point, Shultz v. U.S., 351 F.2d 287 (1965). It may be continued, however, as to all matters other than the person&#8217;s own guilt or innocence. If he is indecisive in his request for counsel, there may be some question on whether he did or did not waive counsel. Situations of this kind must necessarily be left to the judgment of the interviewing Agent. For example, in Hiram v. U.S., 354 F.2d 4 (1965), the Agent&#8217;s conclusion that the person arrested had waived his right to counsel was upheld by the courts.</p>
<p>A person being interviewed and desiring to consult counsel by telephone must be permitted to do so, as shown in Caldwell v. U.S., 351 F.2d 459 (1965). When counsel appears in person, he is permitted to confer with his client in private. <a name="pg_486"></a> <strong>[p486]</strong></p>
<p>(4) What is the Bureau&#8217;s practice if the individual requests counsel, but cannot afford to retain an attorney?</p>
<p>If any person being interviewed after warning of counsel decides that he wishes to consult with counsel before proceeding, further the interview is terminated, as shown above. FBI Agents do not pass judgment on the ability of the person to pay for counsel. They do, however, advise those who have been arrested for an offense under FBI jurisdiction, or whose arrest is contemplated following the interview, of a right to free counsel if they are unable to pay, and the availability of such counsel from the Judge.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n55ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n55"></a> <sup> <strong> [n55]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>The practice of the FBI can readily be emulated by state and local enforcement agencies. The argument that the FBI deals with different crimes than are dealt with by state authorities does not mitigate the significance of the FBI experience.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n56ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n56"></a> <sup> <strong> [n56]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>The experience in some other countries also suggests that the danger to law enforcement in curbs on interrogation is overplayed. The English procedure, since 1912 under the Judges&#8217; Rules, is significant. As recently <a name="pg_487"></a> <strong>[p487]</strong> strengthened, the Rules require that a cautionary warning be given an accused by a police officer as soon as he has evidence that affords reasonable grounds for suspicion; they also require that any statement made be given by the accused without questioning by police.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n57ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n57"></a> <sup> <strong> [n57]</strong> </sup> <a name="pg_488"></a> <strong>[p488]</strong> The right of the individual to consult with an attorney during this period is expressly recognized.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n58ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n58"></a> <sup> <strong> [n58]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>The safeguards present under Scottish law may be even greater than in England. Scottish judicial decisions bar use in evidence of most confessions obtained through police interrogation.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n59ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n59"></a> <sup> <strong> [n59]</strong> </sup> In India, confessions made to police not in the presence of a magistrate have been excluded <a name="pg_489"></a> <strong>[p489]</strong> by rule of evidence since 1872, at a time when it operated under British law.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n60ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n60"></a> <sup> <strong> [n60]</strong> </sup> Identical provisions appear in the Evidence Ordinance of Ceylon, enacted in 1895.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n61ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n61"></a> <sup> <strong> [n61]</strong> </sup> Similarly, in our country, the Uniform Code of Military Justice has long provided that no suspect may be interrogated without first being warned of his right not to make a statement, and that any statement he makes may be used against him.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n62ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n62"></a> <sup> <strong> [n62]</strong> </sup> Denial of the right to consult counsel during interrogation has also been proscribed by military tribunals.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n63ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n63"></a> <sup> <strong> [n63]</strong> </sup> There appears to have been no marked detrimental effect on criminal law enforcement in these jurisdictions as a result of these rules. Conditions of law enforcement in our country are sufficiently similar to permit reference to this experience as assurance that lawlessness will not result from warning an individual of his rights or allowing him to exercise them. Moreover, it is consistent with our legal system that we give at least as much protection to these rights as is given in the jurisdictions described. We deal in our country with rights grounded in a specific requirement of the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution, <a name="pg_490"></a> <strong>[p490]</strong> whereas other jurisdictions arrived at their conclusions on the basis of principles of justice not so specifically defined.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n64ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n64"></a> <sup> <strong> [n64]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>It is also urged upon us that we withhold decision on this issue until state legislative bodies and advisory groups have had an opportunity to deal with these problems by rulemaking.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n65ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n65"></a> <sup> <strong> [n65]</strong> </sup> We have already pointed out that the Constitution does not require any specific code of procedures for protecting the privilege against self-incrimination during custodial interrogation. Congress and the States are free to develop their own safeguards for the privilege, so long as they are fully as effective as those described above in informing accused persons of their right of silence and in affording a continuous opportunity to exercise it. In any event, however, the issues presented are of constitutional dimensions, and must be determined by the courts. The admissibility of a statement in the face of a claim that it was obtained in violation of the defendant&#8217;s constitutional rights is an issue the resolution of which has long since been undertaken by this Court. See Hopt v. Utah, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/110/574/">110 U.S. 574</a> (1884). Judicial solutions to problems of constitutional dimension have evolved decade by decade. As courts have been presented with the need to enforce constitutional rights, they have found means of doing so. That was our responsibility when Escobedo was before us, and it is our <a name="pg_491"></a> <strong>[p491]</strong> responsibility today. Where rights secured by the Constitution are involved, there can be no rulemaking or legislation which would abrogate them.</p>
<p>V</p>
<p>Because of the nature of the problem and because of its recurrent significance in numerous cases, we have to this point discussed the relationship of the Fifth Amendment privilege to police interrogation without specific concentration on the facts of the cases before us. We turn now to these facts to consider the application to these cases of the constitutional principles discussed above. In each instance, we have concluded that statements were obtained from the defendant under circumstances that did not meet constitutional standards for protection of the privilege.</p>
<p>No. 759. Miranda v. Arizona</p>
<p>On March 13, 1963, petitioner, Ernesto Miranda, was arrested at his home and taken in custody to a Phoenix police station. He was there identified by the complaining witness. The police then took him to &#8220;Interrogation Room No. 2&#8243; of the detective bureau. There he was questioned by two police officers. The officers admitted at trial that Miranda was not advised that he had a right to have an attorney present.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n66ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n66"></a> <sup> <strong> [n66]</strong> </sup> Two hours later, the <a name="pg_492"></a> <strong>[p492]</strong> officers emerged from the interrogation room with a written confession signed by Miranda. At the top of the statement was a typed paragraph stating that the confession was made voluntarily, without threats or promises of immunity and &#8220;with full knowledge of my legal rights, understanding any statement I make may be used against me.&#8221;<a name="ZO-384_US_436n67ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n67"></a> <sup> <strong> [n67]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>At his trial before a jury, the written confession was admitted into evidence over the objection of defense counsel, and the officers testified to the prior oral confession made by Miranda during the interrogation. Miranda was found guilty of kidnapping and rape. He was sentenced to 20 to 30 years&#8217; imprisonment on each count, the sentences to run concurrently. On appeal, the Supreme Court of Arizona held that Miranda&#8217;s constitutional rights were not violated in obtaining the confession, and affirmed the conviction. 98 Ariz. 18, 401 P.2d 721. In reaching its decision, the court emphasized heavily the fact that Miranda did not specifically request counsel.</p>
<p>We reverse. From the testimony of the officers and by the admission of respondent, it is clear that Miranda was not in any way apprised of his right to consult with an attorney and to have one present during the interrogation, nor was his right not to be compelled to incriminate himself effectively protected in any other manner. Without these warnings, the statements were inadmissible. The mere fact that he signed a statement which contained a typed-in clause stating that he had &#8220;full knowledge&#8221; of his &#8220;legal rights&#8221; does not approach the knowing and intelligent waiver required to relinquish constitutional rights. Cf. Haynes v. Washington, 373 U.S. <a name="pg_493"></a> <strong>[p493]</strong> 503, 512-513 (1963); Haley v. Ohio, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/332/596/">332 U.S. 596</a>, 601 (1948) (opinion of MR JUSTICE DOUGLAS).</p>
<p>No. 760. Vignera v. New York</p>
<p>Petitioner, Michael Vignera, was picked up by New York police on October 14, 1960, in connection with the robbery three days earlier of a Brooklyn dress shop. They took him to the 17th Detective Squad headquarters in Manhattan. Sometime thereafter, he was taken to the 66th Detective Squad. There a detective questioned Vignera with respect to the robbery. Vignera orally admitted the robbery to the detective. The detective was asked on cross-examination at trial by defense counsel whether Vignera was warned of his right to counsel before being interrogated. The prosecution objected to the question, and the trial judge sustained the objection. Thus, the defense was precluded from making any showing that warnings had not been given. While at the 66th Detective Squad, Vignera was identified by the store owner and a saleslady as the man who robbed the dress shop. At about 3 p.m., he was formally arrested. The police then transported him to still another station, the 70th Precinct in Brooklyn, &#8220;for detention.&#8221; At 11 p.m., Vignera was questioned by an assistant district attorney in the presence of a hearing reporter, who transcribed the questions and Vignera&#8217;s answers. This verbatim account of these proceedings contains no statement of any warnings given by the assistant district attorney. At Vignera&#8217;s trial on a charge of first degree robbery, the detective testified as to the oral confession. The transcription of the statement taken was also introduced in evidence. At the conclusion of the testimony, the trial judge charged the jury in part as follows:</p>
<p>The law doesn&#8217;t say that the confession is void or invalidated because the police officer didn&#8217;t advise the defendant as to his rights. Did you hear what <a name="pg_494"></a> <strong>[p494]</strong> I said? I am telling you what the law of the State of New York is.</p>
<p>Vignera was found guilty of first degree robbery. He was subsequently adjudged a third-felony offender and sentenced to 30 to 60 years&#8217; imprisonment.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n68ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n68"></a> <sup> <strong> [n68]</strong> </sup> The conviction was affirmed without opinion by the Appellate Division, Second Department, 21 App.Div.2d 752, 252 N.Y.S.2d 19, and by the Court of Appeals, also without opinion, 15 N.Y.2d 970, 207 N.E.2d 527, 259 N.Y.S.2d 857, remittitur amended, 16 N.Y.2d 614, 209 N.E.2d 110, 261 N.Y. .2d 65. In argument to the Court of Appeals, the State contended that Vignera had no constitutional right to be advised of his right to counsel or his privilege against self-incrimination.</p>
<p>We reverse. The foregoing indicates that Vignera was not warned of any of his rights before the questioning by the detective and by the assistant district attorney. No other steps were taken to protect these rights. Thus, he was not effectively apprised of his Fifth Amendment privilege or of his right to have counsel present, and his statements are inadmissible.</p>
<p>No. 761. Westover v. United States</p>
<p>At approximately 9:45 p.m. on March 20, 1963, petitioner, Carl Calvin Westover, was arrested by local police in Kansas City as a suspect in two Kansas City robberies. A report was also received from the FBI that he was wanted on a felony charge in California. The local authorities took him to a police station and placed him in a line-up on the local charges, and, at about 11:45 p.m., he was booked. Kansas City police interrogated Westover <a name="pg_495"></a> <strong>[p495]</strong> on the night of his arrest. He denied any knowledge of criminal activities. The next day, local officers interrogated him again throughout the morning. Shortly before noon, they informed the FBI that they were through interrogating Westover and that the FBI could proceed to interrogate him. There is nothing in the record to indicate that Westover was ever given any warning as to his rights by local police. At noon, three special agents of the FBI continued the interrogation in a private interview room of the Kansas City Police Department, this time with respect to the robbery of a savings and loan association and bank in Sacramento, California. After two or two and one-half hours, Westover signed separate confessions to each of these two robberies which had been prepared by one of the agents during the interrogation. At trial, one of the agents testified, and a paragraph on each of the statements states, that the agents advised Westover that he did not have to make a statement, that any statement he made could be used against him, and that he had the right to see an attorney.</p>
<p>Westover was tried by a jury in federal court and convicted of the California robberies. His statements were introduced at trial. He was sentenced to 15 years&#8217; imprisonment on each count, the sentences to run consecutively. On appeal, the conviction was affirmed by the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. 342 F.2d 684.</p>
<p>We reverse. On the facts of this case, we cannot find that Westover knowingly and intelligently waived his right to remain silent and his right to consult with counsel prior to the time he made the statement.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n69ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n69"></a> <sup> <strong> [n69]</strong> </sup> At the <a name="pg_496"></a> <strong>[p496]</strong> time the FBI agents began questioning Westover, he had been in custody for over 14 hours, and had been interrogated at length during that period. The FBI interrogation began immediately upon the conclusion of the interrogation by Kansas City police, and was conducted in local police headquarters. Although the two law enforcement authorities are legally distinct, and the crimes for which they interrogated Westover were different, the impact on him was that of a continuous period of questioning. There is no evidence of any warning given prior to the FBI interrogation, nor is there any evidence of an articulated waiver of rights after the FBI commenced its interrogation. The record simply shows that the defendant did, in fact, confess a short time after being turned over to the FBI following interrogation by local police. Despite the fact that the FBI agents gave warnings at the outset of their interview, from Westover&#8217;s point of view, the warnings came at the end of the interrogation process. In these circumstances, an intelligent waiver of constitutional rights cannot be assumed.</p>
<p>We do not suggest that law enforcement authorities are precluded from questioning any individual who has been held for a period of time by other authorities and interrogated by them without appropriate warnings. A different case would be presented if an accused were taken into custody by the second authority, removed both in time and place from his original surroundings, and then adequately advised of his rights and given an opportunity to exercise them. But here, the FBI interrogation was conducted immediately following the state interrogation in the same police station &#8212; in the same compelling surroundings. Thus, in obtaining a confession from Westover <a name="pg_497"></a> <strong>[p497]</strong> the federal authorities were the beneficiaries of the pressure applied by the local in-custody interrogation. In these circumstances, the giving of warnings alone was not sufficient to protect the privilege.</p>
<p>No. 584. California v. Stewart</p>
<p>In the course of investigating a series of purse-snatch robberies in which one of the victims had died of injuries inflicted by her assailant, respondent, Roy Allen Stewart, was pointed out to Los Angeles police as the endorser of dividend checks taken in one of the robberies. At about 7:15 p.m., January 31, 1963, police officers went to Stewart&#8217;s house and arrested him. One of the officers asked Stewart if they could search the house, to which he replied, &#8220;Go ahead.&#8221; The search turned up various items taken from the five robbery victims. At the time of Stewart&#8217;s arrest, police also arrested Stewart&#8217;s wife and three other persons who were visiting him. These four were jailed along with Stewart, and were interrogated. Stewart was taken to the University Station of the Los Angeles Police Department, where he was placed in a cell. During the next five days, police interrogated Stewart on nine different occasions. Except during the first interrogation session, when he was confronted with an accusing witness, Stewart was isolated with his interrogators.</p>
<p>During the ninth interrogation session, Stewart admitted that he had robbed the deceased and stated that he had not meant to hurt her. Police then brought Stewart before a magistrate for the first time. Since there was no evidence to connect them with any crime, the police then released the other four persons arrested with him.</p>
<p>Nothing in the record specifically indicates whether Stewart was or was not advised of his right to remain silent or his right to counsel. In a number of instances, <a name="pg_498"></a> <strong>[p498]</strong> however, the interrogating officers were asked to recount everything that was said during the interrogations. None indicated that Stewart was ever advised of his rights.</p>
<p>Stewart was charged with kidnapping to commit robbery, rape, and murder. At his trial, transcripts of the first interrogation and the confession at the last interrogation were introduced in evidence. The jury found Stewart guilty of robbery and first degree murder, and fixed the penalty as death. On appeal, the Supreme Court of California reversed. 62 Cal.2d 571, 400 P.2d 97, 43 Cal.Rptr. 201. It held that, under this Court&#8217;s decision in Escobedo, Stewart should have been advised of his right to remain silent and of his right to counsel, and that it would not presume in the face of a silent record that the police advised Stewart of his rights.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n70ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n70"></a> <sup> <strong> [n70]</strong> </sup></p>
<p>We affirm.<a name="ZO-384_US_436n71ref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/384/436#ZO-384_US_436n71"></a> <sup> <strong> [n71]</strong> </sup> In dealing with custodial interrogation, we will not presume that a defendant has been effectively apprised of his rights and that his privilege against self-incrimination has been adequately safeguarded on a record that does not show that any warnings have been given or that any effective alternative has been employed. Nor can a knowing and intelligent waiver of <a name="pg_499"></a> <strong>[p499]</strong> these rights be assumed on a silent record. Furthermore, Stewart&#8217;s steadfast denial of the alleged offenses through eight of the nine interrogations over a period of five days is subject to no other construction than that he was compelled by persistent interrogation to forgo his Fifth Amendment privilege.</p>
<p>Therefore, in accordance with the foregoing, the judgments of the Supreme Court Of Arizona in No. 759, of the New York Court of Appeals in No. 760, and of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in No. 761, are reversed. The judgment of the Supreme Court of California in No. 584 is affirmed.</p>
<p>It is so ordered.</p>
<h1>*</h1>
<p>Together with No. 760, Vignera v. New York, on certiorari to the Court of Appeals of New York and No. 761, Westover v. United States, on certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, both argued February 28-March 1, 1966, and No. 584, California v. Stewart, on certiorari to the Supreme Court of California, argued February 28-March 2, 1966.</p>
<h1>1.</h1>
<p>Compare United States v. Childress, 347 F.2d 448 (C.A. 7th Cir.1965), with Collins v. Beto, 348 F.2d 823 (C.A. 5th Cir.1965). Compare People v. Dorado, 62 Cal.2d 338, 398 P.2d 361, 42 Cal.Rptr. 169 (1964), with People v. Hartgraves, 31 Ill.2d 375, 202 N.E.2d 33 (1964).</p>
<h1>2.</h1>
<p>See, e.g., Enker &amp; Elsen, Counsel for the Suspect: Massiah v. United States and Escobedo v. Illinois, 49 Minn.L.Rev. 47 (1964); Herman, The Supreme Court and Restrictions on Police Interrogation, 25 Ohio St.L.J. 449 (1964); Kamisar, Equal Justice in the Gatehouses and Mansions of American Criminal Procedure, in Criminal Justice in Our Time 1 (1965); Dowling, Escobedo and Beyond: The Need for a Fourteenth Amendment Code of Criminal Procedure, 56 J.Crim.L., C. &amp; P. S. 143, 156 (1965).</p>
<p>The complex problems also prompted discussions by jurists. Compare Bazelon, Law, Morality, and Civil Liberties, 12 U.C.L.A.L.Rev. 13 (1964), with Friendly, The Bill of Rights as a Code of Criminal Procedure, 53 Calif.L.Rev. 929 (1965).</p>
<h1>3.</h1>
<p>For example, the Los Angeles Police Chief stated that,</p>
<p>If the police are required . . . to . . . establish that the defendant was apprised of his constitutional guarantees of silence and legal counsel prior to the uttering of any admission or confession, and that he intelligently waived these guarantees . . . a whole Pandora&#8217;s box is opened as to under what circumstances . . . can a defendant intelligently waive these rights. . . . Allegations that modern criminal investigation can compensate for the lack of a confession or admission in every criminal case is totally absurd!</p>
<p>Parker, 40 L.A.Bar Bull. 603, 607, 642 (1965). His prosecutorial counterpart, District Attorney Younger, stated that</p>
<p>[I]t begins to appear that many of these seemingly restrictive decisions are going to contribute directly to a more effective, efficient and professional level of law enforcement.</p>
<p>L.A. Times, Oct. 2, 1965, p. 1. The former Police Commissioner of New York, Michael J. Murphy, stated of Escobedo:</p>
<p>What the Court is doing is akin to requiring one boxer to fight by Marquis of Queensbury rules while permitting the other to butt, gouge and bite.</p>
<p>N.Y. Times, May 14, 1965, p. 39. The former United States Attorney for the District of Columbia, David C. Acheson, who is presently Special Assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury (for Enforcement), and directly in charge of the Secret Service and the Bureau of Narcotics, observed that</p>
<p>Prosecution procedure has, at most, only the most remote causal connection with crime. Changes in court decisions and prosecution procedure would have about the same effect on the crime rate as an aspirin would have on a tumor of the brain.</p>
<p>Quoted in Herman, supra, n. 2, at 500, n. 270. Other views on the subject in general are collected in Weisberg, Police Interrogation of Arrested Persons: A Skeptical View, 52 J.Crim.L., C. &amp; P.S. 21 (1961).</p>
<h1>4.</h1>
<p>This is what we meant in Escobedo when we spoke of an investigation which had focused on an accused.</p>
<h1>5.</h1>
<p>See, for example, IV National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement, Report on Lawlessness in Law Enforcement (1931) [Wickersham Report]; Booth, Confessions, and Methods Employed in Procuring Them, 4 So. Calif.L.Rev. 83 (1930); Kauper, Judicial Examination of the Accused &#8212; A Remedy for the Third Degree, 30 Mich.L.Rev. 1224 (1932). It is significant that instances of third-degree treatment of prisoners almost invariably took place during the period between arrest and preliminary examination. Wickersham Report, at 169; Hall, The Law of Arrest in Relation to Contemporary Social Problems, 3 U.Chi.L.Rev. 345, 357 (1936). See also Foote, Law and Police Practice: Safeguards in the Law of Arrest, 52 Nw.U.L.Rev. 16 (1957).</p>
<h1>6.</h1>
<p>Brown v. Mississippi, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/297/278/">297 U.S. 278</a> (1936); Chambers v. Florida, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/309/227/">309 U.S. 227</a> (1940); Canty v. Alabama, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/309/629/">309 U.S. 629</a> (1940); White v. Texas, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/310/530/">310 U.S. 530</a> (1940); Vernon v. Alabama, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/313/547/">313 U.S. 547</a> (1941); Ward v. Texas, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/316/547/">316 U.S. 547</a> (1942); Ashcraft v. Tennessee, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/322/143/">322 U.S. 143</a> (1944); Malinski v. New York, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/324/401/">324 U.S. 401</a> (1945); Leyra v. Denno, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/347/556/">347 U.S. 556</a> (1954). See also Williams v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/341/97/">341 U.S. 97</a> (1951).</p>
<h1>7.</h1>
<p>In addition, see People v. Wakat, 415 Ill. 610, 114 N.E.2d 706 (1953); Wakat v. Harlib, 253 F.2d 59 (C.A. 7th Cir.1958) (defendant suffering from broken bones, multiple bruises and injuries sufficiently serious to require eight months&#8217; medical treatment after being manhandled by five policemen); Kier v. State, 213 Md. 556, 132 A.2d 494 (1957) (police doctor told accused, who was strapped to a chair completely nude, that he proposed to take hair and skin scrapings from anything that looked like blood or sperm from various parts of his body); Bruner v. People, 113 Colo.194, 156 P.2d 111 (1945) (defendant held in custody over two months, deprived of food for 15 hours, forced to submit to a lie detector test when he wanted to go to the toilet); People v. Matlock, 51 Cal.2d 682, 336 P.2d 505 (1959) (defendant questioned incessantly over an evening&#8217;s time, made to lie on cold board and to answer questions whenever it appeared he was getting sleepy). Other cases are documented in American Civil Liberties Union, Illinois Division, Secret Detention by the Chicago Police (1959); Potts, The Preliminary Examination and &#8220;The Third Degree,&#8221; 2 Baylor L.Rev. 131 (1950); Sterling, Police Interrogation and the Psychology of Confession, 14 J.Pub.L. 25 (1965).</p>
<h1>8.</h1>
<p>The manuals quoted in the text following are the most recent and representative of the texts currently available. Material of the same nature appears in Kidd, Police Interrogation (1940); Mulbar, Interrogation (1951); Dienstein, Technics for the Crime Investigator 97-115 (1952). Studies concerning the observed practices of the police appear in LaFave, Arrest: The Decision To Take a Suspect Into Custody 244-437, 490-521 (1965); LaFave, Detention for Investigation by the Police: An Analysis of Current Practices, 1962 Wash.U.L.Q. 331; Barrett, Police Practices and the Law &#8212; From Arrest to Release or Charge, 50 Calif.L.Rev. 11 (1962); Sterling, supra, n. 7, at 47-65.</p>
<h1>9.</h1>
<p>The methods described in Inbau &amp; Reid, Criminal Interrogation and Confessions (1962), are a revision and enlargement of material presented in three prior editions of a predecessor text, Lie Detection and Criminal Interrogation (3d ed.1953). The authors and their associates are officers of the Chicago Police Scientific Crime Detection Laboratory, and have had extensive experience in writing, lecturing and speaking to law enforcement authorities over a 20-year period. They say that the techniques portrayed in their manuals reflect their experiences, and are the most effective psychological stratagems to employ during interrogations. Similarly, the techniques described in O&#8217;Hara, Fundamentals of Criminal Investigation (1956), were gleaned from long service as observer, lecturer in police science, and work as a federal criminal investigator. All these texts have had rather extensive use among law enforcement agencies and among students of police science, with total sales and circulation of over 44,000.</p>
<h1>10.</h1>
<p>Inbau &amp; Reid, Criminal Interrogation and Confessions (1962), at 1.</p>
<h1>11.</h1>
<p>O&#8217;Hara, supra, at 99.</p>
<h1>12.</h1>
<p>Inbau &amp; Reid, supra, at 34-43, 87. For example, in Leyra v. Denno, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/347/556/">347 U.S. 556</a> (1954), the interrogator-psychiatrist told the accused, &#8220;We do sometimes things that are not right, but in a fit of temper or anger we sometimes do things we aren&#8217;t really responsible for,&#8221; id. at 562, and again, &#8220;We know that morally, you were just in anger. Morally, you are not to be condemned,&#8221; id. at 582.</p>
<h1>13.</h1>
<p>Inbau Reid, supra, at 43-55.</p>
<h1>14.</h1>
<p>O&#8217;Hara, supra, at 112.</p>
<h1>15.</h1>
<p>Inbau &amp; Reid, supra, at 40.</p>
<h1>16.</h1>
<p>Ibid.</p>
<h1>17.</h1>
<p>O&#8217;Hara, supra, at 104, Inbau &amp; Reid, supra, at 58-59. See Spano v. New York, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/360/315/">360 U.S. 315</a> (1959). A variant on the technique of creating hostility is one of engendering fear. This is perhaps best described by the prosecuting attorney in Malinski v. New York, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/324/401/">324 U.S. 401</a>, 407 (1945):</p>
<p>Why this talk about being undressed? Of course, they had a right to undress him to look for bullet scars, and keep the clothes off him. That was quite proper police procedure. That is some more psychology &#8212; let him sit around with a blanket on him, humiliate him there for a while; let him sit in the corner, let him think he is going to get a shellacking.</p>
<h1>18.</h1>
<p>O&#8217;Hara, supra, at 105-106.</p>
<h1>19.</h1>
<p>Id. at 106.</p>
<h1>20.</h1>
<p>Inbau &amp; Reid, supra, at 111.</p>
<h1>21.</h1>
<p>Ibid.</p>
<h1>22.</h1>
<p>Inbau &amp; Reid, supra, at 112.</p>
<h1>23.</h1>
<p>Inbau &amp; Reid, Lie Detection and Criminal Interrogation 185 (3d ed.1953).</p>
<h1>24.</h1>
<p>Interrogation procedures may even give rise to a false confession. The most recent conspicuous example occurred in New York, in 1964, when a Negro of limited intelligence confessed to two brutal murders and a rape which he had not committed. When this was discovered, the prosecutor was reported as saying:</p>
<p>Call it what you want &#8212; brainwashing, hypnosis, fright. They made him give an untrue confession. The only thing I don&#8217;t believe is that Whitmore was beaten.</p>
<p>N.Y. Times, Jan. 28, 1965, p. 1, col. 5. In two other instances, similar events had occurred. N.Y. Times, Oct. 20, 1964, p. 22, col. 1; N.Y. Times, Aug. 25, 1965, p. 1, col. 1. In general, see Borchard, Convicting the Innocent (1932); Frank &amp; Frank, Not Guilty (1957).</p>
<h1>25.</h1>
<p>In the fourth confession case decided by the Court in the 1962 Term, Fay v. Noia, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/372/391/">372 U.S. 391</a> (1963), our disposition made it unnecessary to delve at length into the facts. The facts of the defendant&#8217;s case there, however, paralleled those of his codefendants, whose confessions were found to have resulted from continuous and coercive interrogation for 27 hours, with denial of requests for friends or attorney. See United States v. Murphy, 222 F.2d 698 (C.A.2d Cir.1955) (Frank, J.); People v. Bonino, 1 N.Y.2d 752, 135 N.E.2d 51 (1956).</p>
<h1>26.</h1>
<p>The absurdity of denying that a confession obtained under these circumstances is compelled is aptly portrayed by an example in Professor Sutherland&#8217;s recent article, Crime and Confession, 79 Harv.L.Rev. 21, 37 (1965):</p>
<p>Suppose a well-to-do testatrix says she intends to will her property to Elizabeth. John and James want her to bequeath it to them instead. They capture the testatrix, put her in a carefully designed room, out of touch with everyone but themselves and their convenient &#8220;witnesses,&#8221; keep her secluded there for hours while they make insistent demands, weary her with contradictions of her assertions that she wants to leave her money to Elizabeth, and finally induce her to execute the will in their favor. Assume that John and James are deeply and correctly convinced that Elizabeth is unworthy, and will make base use of the property if she gets her hands on it, whereas John and James have the noblest and most righteous intentions. Would any judge of probate accept the will so procured as the &#8220;voluntary&#8221; act of the testatrix?</p>
<h1>27.</h1>
<p>Thirteenth century commentators found an analogue to the privilege grounded in the Bible. &#8220;To sum up the matter, the principle that no man is to be declared guilty on his own admission is a divine decree.&#8221; Maimonides, Mishneh Torah (Code of Jewish Law), Book of Judges, Laws of the Sanhedrin, c. 18, 116, III Yale Judaica Series 52-53. See also Lamm, The Fifth Amendment and Its Equivalent in the Halakhah, 5 Judaism 53 (Winter 1956).</p>
<h1>28.</h1>
<p>See Morgan, The Privilege Against Self-Incrimination, 34 Minn.L.Rev. 1, 9-11 (1949); 8 Wigmore, Evidence 289-295 (McNaughton rev.1961). See also Lowell, The Judicial Use of Torture, Parts I and II, 11 Harv.L.Rev. 220, 290 (1897).</p>
<h1>29.</h1>
<p>See Pittman, The Colonial and Constitutional History of the Privilege Against Self-Incrimination in America, 21 Va.L.Rev. 763 (1935); Ullmann v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/350/422/">350 U.S. 422</a>, 445-449 (1956) (DOUGLAS, J., dissenting).</p>
<h1>30.</h1>
<p>Compare Brown v. Walker, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/161/591/">161 U.S. 591</a> (1896); Quinn v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/349/155/">349 U.S. 155</a> (1955).</p>
<h1>31.</h1>
<p>Brief for the United States, p. 28. To the same effect, see Brief for the United States, pp. 40-49, n. 44, Anderson v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/318/350/">318 U.S. 350</a> (1943); Brief for the United States, pp. 17-18, McNabb v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/318/332/">318 U.S. 332</a> (1943).</p>
<h1>32.</h1>
<p>Our decision today does not indicate in any manner, of course, that these rules can be disregarded. When federal officials arrest an individual, they must as always comply with the dictates of the congressional legislation and cases thereunder. See generally Hogan &amp; Snee, The McNabb-Mallory Rule: Its Rise, Rationale and Rescue, 47 Geo.L.J. 1 (1958).</p>
<h1>33.</h1>
<p>The decisions of this Court have guaranteed the same procedural protection for the defendant whether his confession was used in a federal or state court. It is now axiomatic that the defendant&#8217;s constitutional rights have been violated if his conviction is based, in whole or in part, on an involuntary confession, regardless of its truth or falsity. Rogers v. Richmond, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/365/534/">365 U.S. 534</a>, 544 (1961); Wan v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/266/1/">266 U.S. 1</a> (1924). This is so even if there is ample evidence aside from the confession to support the conviction, e.g., Malinski v. New York, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/324/401/">324 U.S. 401</a>, 404 (1945); Bram v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/168/532/">168 U.S. 532</a>, 540-542 (1897). Both state and federal courts now adhere to trial procedures which seek to assure a reliable and clear-cut determination of the voluntariness of the confession offered at trial, Jackson v. Denno, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/368/">378 U.S. 368</a> (1964); United States v. Carignan, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/342/36/">342 U.S. 36</a>, 38 (1951); see also Wilson v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/162/613/">162 U.S. 613</a>, 624 (1896). Appellate review is exacting, see Haynes v. Washington, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/373/503/">373 U.S. 503</a> (1963); Blackburn v. Alabama, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/361/199/">361 U.S. 199</a> (1960). Whether his conviction was in a federal or state court, the defendant may secure a post-conviction hearing based on the alleged involuntary character of his confession, provided he meets the procedural requirements, Fay v. Noia, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/372/391/">372 U.S. 391</a> (1963); Townsend v. Sain, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/372/293/">372 U.S. 293</a> (1963). In addition, see Murphy v. Waterfront Comm&#8217;n, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/52/">378 U.S. 52</a> (1964).</p>
<h1>34.</h1>
<p>See Lisenba v. California, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/314/219/">314 U.S. 219</a>, 241 (1941); Ashcraft v. Tennessee, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/322/143/">322 U.S. 143</a> (1944); Malinski v. New York, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/324/401/">324 U.S. 401</a> (1945); Spano v. New York, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/360/315/">360 U.S. 315</a> (1959); Lynumn v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/372/528/">372 U.S. 528</a> (1963); Haynes v. Washington, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/373/503/">373 U.S. 503</a> (1963).</p>
<h1>35.</h1>
<p>The police also prevented the attorney from consulting with his client. Independent of any other constitutional proscription, this action constitutes a violation of the Sixth Amendment right to the assistance of counsel, and excludes any statement obtained in its wake. See People v. Donovan, 13 N.Y.2d 148, 193 N.E.2d 628, 243 N.Y.S.2d 841 (1963) (Fuld, J.)</p>
<h1>36.</h1>
<p>In re Groban, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/352/330/">352 U.S. 330</a>, 340-352 (1957) (BLACK, J., dissenting); Note, 73 Yale L.J. 1000, 1048-1051 (1964); Comment, 31 U.Chi.L.Rev. 313, 320 (1964) and authorities cited.</p>
<h1>37.</h1>
<p>See p. 454, supra. Lord Devlin has commented:</p>
<p>It is probable that, even today, when there is much less ignorance about these matters than formerly, there is still a general belief that you must answer all questions put to you by a policeman, or at least that it will be the worse for you if you do not.</p>
<p>Devlin, The Criminal Prosecution in England 32 (1958).</p>
<p>In accord with our decision today, it is impermissible to penalize an individual for exercising his Fifth Amendment privilege when he is under police custodial interrogation. The prosecution may not, therefore, use at trial the fact that he stood mute or claimed his privilege in the face of accusation. Cf. Griffin v. California, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/380/609/">380 U.S. 609</a> (1965); Malloy v. Hogan, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/1/">378 U.S. 1</a>, 8 (1964); Comment, 31 U.Chi.L.Rev. 556 (1964); Developments in the Law &#8212; Confessions, 79 Harv.L.Rev. 935, 1041-1044 (1966). See also Bram v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/168/532/">168 U.S. 532</a>, 562 (1897).</p>
<h1>38.</h1>
<p>Cf. Betts v. Brady, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/316/455/">316 U.S. 455</a> (1942), and the recurrent inquiry into special circumstances it necessitated. See generally Kamisar, Betts v. Brady Twenty Years Later: The Right to Counsel and Due Process Values, 61 Mich.L.Rev. 219 (1962).</p>
<h1>39.</h1>
<p>See Herman, The Supreme Court and Restrictions on Police Interrogation, 25 Ohio St.L.J. 440, 480 (1964).</p>
<h1>40.</h1>
<p>Estimates of 50-90% indigency among felony defendants have been reported. Pollock, Equal Justice in Practice, 45 Minn.L.Rev. 737, 738-739 (1961); Birzon, Kasanof &amp; Forma, The Right to Counsel and the Indigent Accused in Courts of Criminal Jurisdiction in New York State, 14 Buffalo L.Rev. 428, 433 (1965).</p>
<h1>41.</h1>
<p>See Kamisar, Equal Justice in the Gatehouses and Mansions of American Criminal Procedure, in Criminal Justice in Our Time 1, 64-81 (1965). As was stated in the Report of the Attorney General&#8217;s Committee on Poverty and the Administration of Federal Criminal Justice 9 (1963):</p>
<p>When government chooses to exert its powers in the criminal area, its obligation is surely no less than that of taking reasonable measures to eliminate those factors that are irrelevant to just administration of the law, but which, nevertheless, may occasionally affect determinations of the accused&#8217;s liability or penalty. While government may not be required to relieve the accused of his poverty, it may properly be required to minimize the influence of poverty on its administration of justice.</p>
<h1>42.</h1>
<p>Cf. United States ex rel. Brown v. Fay, 242 F.Supp. 273, 277 (D.C.S.D.N.Y.1965); People v. Witenski, 15 N.Y.2d 392, 207 N.E.2d 358, 259 N.Y.S.2d 413 (1965).</p>
<h1>43.</h1>
<p>While a warning that the indigent may have counsel appointed need not be given to the person who is known to have an attorney or is known to have ample funds to secure one, the expedient of giving a warning is too simple, and the rights involved too important, to engage in ex post facto inquiries into financial ability when there is any doubt at all on that score.</p>
<h1>44.</h1>
<p>If an individual indicates his desire to remain silent, but has an attorney present, there may be some circumstances in which further questioning would be permissible. In the absence of evidence of overbearing, statements then made in the presence of counsel might be free of the compelling influence of the interrogation process and might fairly be construed as a waiver of the privilege for purposes of these statements.</p>
<h1>45.</h1>
<p>Although this Court held in Rogers v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/340/367/">340 U.S. 367</a> (1951), over strong dissent, that a witness before a grand jury may not in certain circumstances decide to answer some questions and then refuse to answer others, that decision has no application to the interrogation situation we deal with today. No legislative or judicial factfinding authority is involved here, nor is there a possibility that the individual might make self-serving statements of which he could make use at trial while refusing to answer incriminating statements.</p>
<h1>46.</h1>
<p>The distinction and its significance has been aptly described in the opinion of a Scottish court:</p>
<p>In former times, such questioning, if undertaken, would be conducted by police officers visiting the house or place of business of the suspect and there questioning him, probably in the presence of a relation or friend. However convenient the modern practice may be, it must normally create a situation very unfavourable to the suspect.</p>
<p>Chalmer v. H. M. Advocate, [1954] Sess.Cas. 66, 78 (J.C.).</p>
<h1>47.</h1>
<p>See People v. Dorado, 62 Cal.2d 338, 354, 398 P.2d 361, 371 42 Cal.Rptr. 169, 179 (1965).</p>
<h1>48.</h1>
<p>In accordance with our holdings today and in Escobedo v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/478/">378 U.S. 478</a>, 492, Crooker v. California, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/357/433/">357 U.S. 433</a> (1958) and Cicenia v. Lagay, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/357/504/">357 U.S. 504</a> (1958), are not to be followed.</p>
<h1>49.</h1>
<p>In quoting the above from the dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Brandeis we, of course, do not intend to pass on the constitutional questions involved in the Olmstead case.</p>
<h1>50.</h1>
<p>Schaefer, Federalism and State Criminal Procedure, 70 Harv.L.Rev. 1, 26 (1956).</p>
<h1>51.</h1>
<p>Miranda, Vignera, and Westover were identified by eyewitnesses. Marked bills from the bank robbed were found in Westover&#8217;s car. Articles stolen from the victim as well as from several other robbery victims were found in Stewart&#8217;s home at the outset of the investigation.</p>
<h1>52.</h1>
<p>Dealing as we do here with constitutional standards in relation to statements made, the existence of independent corroborating evidence produced at trial is, of course, irrelevant to our decisions. Haynes v. Washington, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/373/503/">373 U.S. 503</a>, 51519 (1963); Lynumn v. Illinois, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/372/528/">372 U.S. 528</a>, 537-538 (1963); Rogers v. Richmond, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/365/534/">365 U.S. 534</a>, 541 (1961); Blackburn v. Alabama, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/361/199/">361 U.S. 199</a>, 206 (1960).</p>
<h1>53.</h1>
<p>See, e.g., Report and Recommendations of the [District of Columbia] Commissioners&#8217; Committee on Police Arrests for Investigation (1962); American Civil Liberties Union, Secret Detention by the Chicago Police (1959). An extreme example of this practice occurred in the District of Columbia in 1958. Seeking three &#8220;stocky&#8221; young Negroes who had robbed a restaurant, police rounded up 90 persons of that general description. Sixty-three were held overnight before being released for lack of evidence. A man not among the 90 arrested was ultimately charged with the crime. Washington Daily News, January 21, 1958, p. 5, col. 1; Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee on H.R. 11477, S. 2970, S. 3325, and S. 3355, 85th Cong., 2d Sess. (July 1958), pp. 40, 78.</p>
<h1>54.</h1>
<p>In 1952, J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, stated:</p>
<p>Law enforcement, however, in defeating the criminal, must maintain inviolate the historic liberties of the individual. To turn back the criminal, yet, by so doing, destroy the dignity of the individual, would be a hollow victory.</p>
<p>* * * *</p>
<p>We can have the Constitution, the best laws in the land, and the most honest reviews by courts &#8212; but unless the law enforcement profession is steeped in the democratic tradition, maintains the highest in ethics, and makes its work a career of honor, civil liberties will continually &#8212; and without end &#8212; be violated. . . . The best protection of civil liberties is an alert, intelligent and honest law enforcement agency. There can be no alternative.</p>
<p>* * * *</p>
<p>. . . Special Agents are taught that any suspect or arrested person, at the outset of an interview, must be advised that he is not required to make a statement and that any statement given can be used against him in court. Moreover, the individual must be informed that, if he desires, he may obtain the services of an attorney of his own choice.</p>
<p>Hoover, Civil Liberties and Law Enforcement: The Role of the FBI, 37 Iowa L.Rev. 175, 177-182 (1952).</p>
<h1>55.</h1>
<p>We agree that the interviewing agent must exercise his judgment in determining whether the individual waives his right to counsel. Because of the constitutional basis of the right, however, the standard for waiver is necessarily high. And, of course, the ultimate responsibility for resolving this constitutional question lies with the courts.</p>
<h1>56.</h1>
<p>Among the crimes within the enforcement jurisdiction of the FBI are kidnapping, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/1201">18 U.S.C. § 1201</a> (1964 ed.), white slavery, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2421">18 U.S.C. §§ 2421</a>-2423 (1964 ed.), bank robbery, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2113">18 U.S.C. § 2113</a> (1964 ed.), interstate transportation and sale of stolen property, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2311">18 U.S.C. §§ 2311</a>-2317 (1964 ed.), all manner of conspiracies, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/371">18 U.S.C. § 371</a> (1964 ed.), and violations of civil rights <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/241">18 U.S.C. §§ 241</a>-242 (1964 ed.). See also <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/1114">18 U.S.C. § 1114</a> (1964 ed.) (murder of officer or employee of the United States).</p>
<h1>57.</h1>
<p>[1964] Crim.L.Rev. at 166-170. These Rules provide in part:</p>
<p>II. As soon as a police officer has evidence which would afford reasonable grounds for suspecting that a person has committed an offence, he shall caution that person or cause him to be cautioned before putting to him any questions, or further questions, relating to that offence.</p>
<p>The caution shall be in the following terms:</p>
<p>You are not obliged to say anything unless you wish to do so, but what you say may be put into writing and given in evidence.</p>
<p>When, after being cautioned a person is being questioned, or elects to make a statement, a record shall be kept of the time and place at which any such questioning or statement began and ended and of the persons present.</p>
<p>III . . .</p>
<p>* * * * .</p>
<p>(b) It is only in exceptional cases that questions relating to the offence should be put to the accused person after he has been charged or informed that he may be prosecuted.</p>
<p>* * * *</p>
<p>IV. All written statements made after caution shall be taken in the following manner:</p>
<p>(a) If a person says that he wants to make a statement, he shall be told that it is intended to make a written record of what he says.</p>
<p>He shall always be asked whether he wishes to write down himself what he wants to say; if he says that he cannot write, or that he would like someone to write it for him, a police officer may offer to write the statement for him. . . .</p>
<p>(b) Any person writing his own statement shall be allowed to do so without any prompting, as distinct from indicating to him what matters are material.</p>
<p>* * * *</p>
<p>(d) Whenever a police officer writes the statement, he shall take down the exact words spoken by the person making the statement, without putting any questions other than such as may be needed to make the statement coherent, intelligible and relevant to the material matters: he shall not prompt him.</p>
<p>The prior Rules appear in Devlin, The Criminal Prosecution in England 137-141 (1958).</p>
<p>Despite suggestions of some laxity in enforcement of the Rules, and despite the fact some discretion as to admissibility is invested in the trial judge, the Rules are a significant influence in the English criminal law enforcement system. See, e.g., [1964] Crim.L.Rev. at 182, and articles collected in [1960] Crim.L.Rev. at 298-356.</p>
<h1>58.</h1>
<p>The introduction to the Judges&#8217; Rules states in part:</p>
<p>These Rules do not affect the principles</p>
<p>* * * *</p>
<p>(c) That every person at any stage of an investigation should be able to communicate and to consult privately with a solicitor. This is so even if he is in custody provided that, in such a case, no unreasonable delay or hindrance is caused to the processes of investigation or the administration of justice by his doing so. . . .</p>
<p>[1964] Crim.L.Rev. at 166-167.</p>
<h1>59.</h1>
<p>As stated by the Lord Justice General in Chalmers v. H.M Advocate, [1954] Sess.Cas. 66, 78 (J.C.):</p>
<p>The theory of our law is that, at the stage of initial investigation, the police may question anyone with a view to acquiring information which may lead to the detection of the criminal; but that, when the stage has been reached at which suspicion, or more than suspicion, has in their view centered upon some person as the likely perpetrator of the crime, further interrogation of that person becomes very dangerous, and, if carried too far, e.g., to the point of extracting a confession by what amounts to cross-examination, the evidence of that confession will almost certainly be excluded. Once the accused has been apprehended and charged, he has the statutory right to a private interview with a solicitor and to be brought before a magistrate with all convenient speed so that he may, if so advised, emit a declaration in presence of his solicitor under conditions which safeguard him against prejudice.</p>
<h1>60.</h1>
<p>&#8220;No confession made to a police officer shall be proved as against a person accused of any offence.&#8221; Indian Evidence Act § 25.</p>
<p>No confession made by any person whilst he is in the custody of a police officer unless it be made in the immediate presence of a Magistrate, shall be proved as against such person.</p>
<p>Indian Evidence Act § 26. See 1 Ramaswami &amp; Rajagopalan, Law of Evidence in India 553-569 (1962). To avoid any continuing effect of police pressure or inducement, the Indian Supreme Court has invalidated a confession made shortly after police brought a suspect before a magistrate, suggesting:</p>
<p>[I]t would, we think, be reasonable to insist upon giving an accused person at least 24 hours to decide whether or not he should make a confession.</p>
<p>Sarwan Singh v. State of Punjab, 44 All India Rep. 1957, Sup.Ct. 637, 644.</p>
<h1>61.</h1>
<p>I Legislative Enactments of Ceylon 211 (1958).</p>
<h1>62.</h1>
<p><a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10/831">10 U.S.C. § 831</a>(b) (1964 ed.)</p>
<h1>63.</h1>
<p>United States v. Rose, 24 CMR 251 (1957); United States v. Gunnels, 23 CMR 354 (1957).</p>
<h1>64.</h1>
<p>Although no constitution existed at the time confessions were excluded by rule of evidence in 1872, India now has a written constitution which includes the provision that &#8220;No person accused of any offence shall be compelled to be a witness against himself.&#8221; Constitution of India, Article 20(3). See Tope, The Constitution of India 63-67 (1960).</p>
<h1>65.</h1>
<p>Brief for United States in No. 761, Westover v. United States, pp. 44-47; Brief for the State of New York as amicus curiae, pp. 35-39. See also Brief for the National District Attorneys Association as amicus curiae, pp. 23-26.</p>
<h1>66.</h1>
<p>Miranda was also convicted in a separate trial on an unrelated robbery charge not presented here for review. A statement introduced at that trial was obtained from Miranda during the same interrogation which resulted in the confession involved here. At the robbery trial, one officer testified that, during the interrogation, he did not tell Miranda that anything he said would be held against him or that he could consult with an attorney. The other officer stated that they had both told Miranda that anything he said would be used against him and that he was not required by law to tell them anything.</p>
<h1>67.</h1>
<p>One of the officers testified that he read this paragraph to Miranda. Apparently, however, he did not do so until after Miranda had confessed orally.</p>
<h1>68.</h1>
<p>Vignera thereafter successfully attacked the validity of one of the prior convictions, Vignera v. Wilkins, Civ. 9901 (D.C.W.D.N.Y. Dec. 31, 1961) (unreported), but was then resentenced as a second-felony offender to the same term of imprisonment as the original sentence. R. 31-33.</p>
<h1>69.</h1>
<p>The failure of defense counsel to object to the introduction of the confession at trial, noted by the Court of Appeals and emphasized by the Solicitor General, does not preclude our consideration of the issue. Since the trial was held prior to our decision in Escobedo and, of course, prior to our decision today making the objection available, the failure to object at trial does not constitute a waiver of the claim. See, e.g., United States ex rel. Angelet v. Fay, 333 F.2d 12, 16 (C.A.2d Cir.1964), aff&#8217;d, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/381/654/">381 U.S. 654</a> (1965). Cf. Ziffrin, Inc. v. United States, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/318/73/" target="_blank">318 U.S. 73</a>, 78 (1943).</p>
<h1>70.</h1>
<p>Because of this disposition of the case, the California Supreme Court did not reach the claims that the confession was coerced by police threats to hold his ailing wife in custody until he confessed, that there was no hearing as required by Jackson v. Denno, <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/378/368/">378 U.S. 368</a> (1964), and that the trial judge gave an instruction condemned by the California Supreme Court&#8217;s decision in People v. Morse, 60 Cal.2d 631, 388 P.2d 33, 36 Cal.Rptr. 201 (1964).</p>
<h1>71.</h1>
<p>After certiorari was granted in this case, respondent moved to dismiss on the ground that there was no final judgment from which the State could appeal, since the judgment below directed that he be retried. In the event respondent was successful in obtaining an acquittal on retrial, however, under California law the State would have no appeal. Satisfied that, in these circumstances, the decision below constituted a final judgment under <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/28/1257">28 U.S.C. § 1257</a>(3) (1964 ed.), we denied the motion. <a title="subref" href="http://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt//text/383/903/">383 U.S. 903</a>.</p>
</div>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/miranda-v-arizona-alleged-boston-bomber-has-rights/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
<enclosure url="http://theintolerableacts.org/docs/Shut-Up.wmv" length="672695" type="video/asf" />
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Marco Rubio: Crown Prince of the Moderate Liars</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/marco-rubio-crown-prince-of-the-moderate-liars/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/marco-rubio-crown-prince-of-the-moderate-liars/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 19 Apr 2013 06:22:26 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[NDAA]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=272</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Marco Rubio was on a variety of news shows this last weekend. He is traveling around  as a member of the &#8220;gang of eight&#8221; promoting a repackaging  of the 2007 Great Amnesty Act  (per Michelle Malkin the &#8220;Scmnesty Act&#8221;)  to try to once again sell to (or more likely cram down the throats of ) the American public.  It is sad to see political ambition turn one into a groveling conformist.   Marco is apparently the protégé of kingpin moderates (globalist) Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham (also gang of eight members)   and the crown prince of the GOP elitist leadership.  (Note: Four Progressives and four  RINO&#8217;s does not constitute a &#8220;bipartisan&#8221; committee.)  All are alluding to the great work Rubio is doing with the &#8220;gang&#8221; but no one is giving out details. Also all including the Progressives are calling him &#8220;conservative&#8221; as if saying so will make it so. I say they &#8220;protest too loudly.&#8221; The only details the conservatives need to know are that Rubio has flip-flopped on a conservative principle of following the rule of law, enforcing the law  and not pandering to special interests groups including based on race and standing firm on principles. Rubio has [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">Marco Rubio was on a variety of news shows this last weekend. He is traveling around <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>as a member of the &#8220;gang of eight&#8221; promoting a repackaging<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">  </span>of the 2007 Great Amnesty Act <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(per Michelle Malkin the &#8220;Scmnesty Act&#8221;) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>to try to once again sell to (or more likely cram down the throats of ) the American public. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is sad to see political ambition turn one into a groveling conformist. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">Marco is apparently the protégé of kingpin moderates (globalist) Senators John McCain and Lindsey Graham (also gang of eight members)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">  </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and the crown prince of the GOP elitist leadership. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Note: Four Progressives and four<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">  </span>RINO&#8217;s does not constitute a &#8220;bipartisan&#8221; committee.) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All are alluding to the great work Rubio is doing with the &#8220;gang&#8221; but no one is giving out details. Also all including the Progressives are calling him &#8220;conservative&#8221; as if saying so will make it so. I say they &#8220;protest too loudly.&#8221;</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">The only details the conservatives need to know are that Rubio has flip-flopped on a conservative principle of following the rule of law, enforcing the law <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and not pandering to special interests groups including based on race and standing firm on principles. Rubio has flunked out on all counts. </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">He won his current senate seat running on a conservative position against illegal &#8220;immigration&#8221; (an oxymoron) of absolutely no amnesty , no pathway to citizenship and strong border security first. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But now that he is a member of the &#8220;gang of eight&#8221; and is actively promoting a secretly devised plan that gives amnesty, creates a pathway to citizenship, promises border security down the road (once again) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and which he has previously admitted will undermine the rule of law and set the stage for an even greater amnesty down the road. (See his prior statements below. )</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">At a time when the American people need a public servant they can believe, Rubio has flip -flopped but insists that he hasn&#8217;t by redefining terms such as &#8220;amnesty&#8221; and why giving illegls a &#8220;temporary [permanent] legal status&#8221; <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>while the border is being secured is really securing the border first, is thus compounding his lies. It&#8217;s like the guy telling his banker &#8220;Yes I said I would pay you back but I did not say I would pay you it &#8220;all &#8221; back or &#8220;on time.&#8221; How very sleazy! How very un-conservative! </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">Recall in 2007 when McCain, Teddy Kennedy and Graham were really pushing <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Scamnesty I</span> hard and Graham spoke at the racist group La Raza (&#8220;The Race&#8221; as in &#8221; all for the Race&#8221;) and referred to those who did not want amnesty as &#8220;bigots&#8221;! (</span><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">Video here:</span><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 10pt;"><a href="http://www.diggersrealm.com/mt/archives/002273.html." target="_blank"><span style="color: #0000ff;">http://www.diggersrealm.com/mt/archives/002273.html.</span></a>)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">(Yes yet another Progressive tactic of accusing those who disagree with them as racists. ) I wonder will <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>we get to see Rubio take on this progressive tactic in support of Scamnesty II? </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">Rubio has now confirmed what many conservatives suspected: <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>he is just a other <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>&#8220;moderate&#8221; (RINO?)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">The GOP elitist leadership are floating Rubio as a potential Presidential candidate. Conservatives will not vote for him anymore than they would for the moderates McCain or Romney. And, there is an issue about <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>whether Rubio is constitutionally qualified to hold such office. </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">For the sake of Liberty,</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 14pt;">Richard D. Fry</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;" align="center"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 18pt;">Rubio Statements</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">In 2009 Rubio said:</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">&#8221; I will not vote for anything that grants amnesty because I think it destroys your ability to enforce the existing law and I think its unfair to the people standing in line and waiting to come in legally&#8221;</span></em></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">“No, no – never have been. </span></em><strong><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">In fact, I’m strongly against amnesty</span></em></strong><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;"> for a number of different reasons. The first is, I always use the example of the speed limit: If you say the speed limit is 70 but you don’t ticket people until they reach 80, well then the speed limit is really 80, it’s not 70. And amnesty is the same thing. You can’t –- <span style="background: yellow; mso-highlight: yellow;">the most important thing we need to do is enforce our existing laws</span>. We have existing immigration laws that are not being adequately enforced. <span style="background: yellow; mso-highlight: yellow;">Nothing will make it harder to enforce your existing laws [than] if you reward people who broke them</span>. In essence if you go to people and say: “Look, well you’ve been here for so long that even though you broke the law we’re going to let you stay.” <span style="background: yellow; mso-highlight: yellow;">Number one, it demoralizes the people that are going through the legal process</span>: it’s a very clear signal that ‘why go through the legal process if you can accomplish the same thing through the illegal process?’ And number two, <span style="background: yellow; mso-highlight: yellow;">it demoralizes the people enforcing the law</span>. </span></em><strong><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">So I am not and I will never support – never have and never will support — any effort to grant blanket, legalization amnesty to folks who have entered or stayed in this country illegally</span></em></strong><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">.”</span></em></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;"><a href="http://www.breitbart.com/Breitbart-TV/2013/04/14/Chris-Wallace-Grills-Rubio-On-Immigration-Plan-Why-Isnt-That-Amnesty" target="_blank"><span style="font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #0000ff;">http://www.breitbart.com/Breitbart-TV/2013/04/14/Chris-Wallace-Grills-Rubio-On-Immigration-Plan-Why-Isnt-That-Amnesty</span></span></a></span></em></p>
<div><span style="font-size: medium;"><em><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';">INTERVIEWER: Let’s say you become the next senator from the State of Florida. If a bill crosses your desk regarding immigration reform, how would you vote? Would you vote for or against?</span></em></span></div>
<div><span style="font-size: medium;"><em><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';">RUBIO: Well, what’s in the bill? I mean, it really depends what the bill is about. I mean if the bill grants amnesty, if the bill rewards folks who have illegally entered the country—</span></em></span></div>
<div><span style="font-size: medium;"><em><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';">INTERVIEWER: Let’s say ‘All of the above.’ Let’s just say it promotes amnesty—</span></em></span></div>
<div><span style="font-size: medium;"><em><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';">RUBIO: I’d vote against it. </span></em><strong><em><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';">I would vote against anything that grants amnesty</span></em></strong><em><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';"> because I think it destroys your ability to enforce the existing law and I think it’s unfair to the people who are standing in line and waiting to come in legally. I would vote against anything that has amnesty in it.</span></em></span></div>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></em></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">March 2009 <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PfmLR2l4cR4&amp;amp;feature=player_embedded" target="_blank"><span style="color: #0000ff;">interview</span></a><em></em></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">The Curious Case of Marco Rubio: Amnesty Flip-Flopper, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Onyxbook.com<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">  </span>(Mar 24th 2013) <a href="http://onyxbook.com/2013/03/the-curious-case-of-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">http://onyxbook.com/2013/03/the-curious-case-of-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper/</span></a></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: blue; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;"><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">“As far as amnesty, that’s where the governor [Crist] and I disagree. He would have voted for the McCain plan. I think that plan is wrong, and the reason why I think it’s wrong is that </span></em><strong><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">if you grant amnesty, as the governor proposes that we do, in any form, whether it’s back of the line or so forth</span></em></strong><em><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">, you will destroy any chance we will ever have of having a legal immigration system that works here in America.”</span></em></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">March 2010 debate against Crist on <em><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';">Fox News Sunday</span></em></span>
</p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">&#8220;In May 2009, Rubio <a href="http://miamiherald.typepad.com/nakedpolitics/2009/05/-the-marco-rubio-effect.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: #0000ff;">told</span></a> the Lauderdale Beach Republican Club that he would not have voted in favor of the Crist / Martinez legislation that would have allowed illegal workers to earn legal status, which he called &#8216;<strong><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';">blanket legalization</span></strong>.&#8217; <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rubio stated: &#8216;Nothing is more disruptive to illegal immigration than illegal immigration. We must secure our borders.&#8217;&#8221;</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">The Curious Case of Marco Rubio: Amnesty Flip-Flopper, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Onyxbook.com<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">  </span>(Mar 24th 2013) <span style="color: blue;">http://onyxbook.com/2013/03/the-curious-case-of-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper/</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;"> </span> <span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><strong><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">“Well, we have a path for citizenship. It’s called coming legally into this country</span></strong><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">. The ones who are already here. You can’t do it. Look, let me say two things about it. Number one is I think that the vast majority of the people that are in this country illegally, whether they entered illegally and overstayed their visas, they’re here because they want to provide their families with opportunity. I get that. I understand that. And I know that because I know people in that status. That being said, America cannot be the only country in the world that does not observe or enforce its immigration laws. A key part of your sovereignty is the ability to control the influx and out flow of your people is the ability to secure your border. And you’re never going to be able to do that if you have an immigration system that says ‘come to this country illegally. If you’re able to stay here long enough, you’re able to stay here forever.’ <strong><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';">And you’re never going to have a legal immigration system that works if you grant amnesty.</span></strong> And that’s why I’ve always believed that, no matter how well-intentioned it is. I understand the human stories that we’re going to…We’re gonna….There are going to be stories of very young kids that were brought to this country at a very young age who don’t even speak Spanish that are going to be sent back to Nicaragua or some other place. And it’s gonna feel weird and I understand that. The goal here is to have an immigration policy that works. And if you provide a path for people to enter this country illegally and if they stay here long enough and pay enough in taxes, well let them stay legally…<strong><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif';">why would anyone come in through the legal process?”</span></strong></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><strong><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">The Curious Case of Marco Rubio: Amnesty Flip-Flopper, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Onyxbook.com<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">  </span>(Mar 24th 2013) <span style="color: blue;">http://onyxbook.com/2013/03/the-curious-case-of-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper/</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: blue; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; background: white; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">Matera asked: “<strong>Are you in favor of creating a path for citizenship for the millions who are here?</strong>” Rubio answered:</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt 31.5pt; background: white; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;"><strong><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">“Well, we have a path for citizenship. It’s called coming legally into this country</span></strong><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">. The ones who are already here. You can’t do it. Look, let me say two things about it. Number one is I think that the vast majority of the people that are in this country illegally, whether they entered illegally and overstayed their visas, they’re here because they want to provide their families with opportunity. I get that. I understand that. And I know that because I know people in that status. That being said, America cannot be the only country in the world that does not observe or enforce its immigration laws. A key part of your sovereignty is the ability to control the influx and out flow of your people is the ability to secure your border. And you’re never going to be able to do that if you have an immigration system that says ‘come to this country illegally. If you’re able to stay here long enough, you’re able to stay here forever.’ <strong>And you’re never going to have a legal immigration system that works if you grant amnesty</strong>. And that’s why I’ve always believed that, no matter how well-intentioned it is. I understand the human stories that we’re going to…We’re gonna….There are going to be stories of very young kids that were brought to this country at a very young age who don’t even speak Spanish that are going to be sent back to Nicaragua or some other place. And it’s gonna feel weird and I understand that. The goal here is to have an immigration policy that works. And if you provide a path for people to enter this country illegally <strong>and if they stay here long enough and pay enough in taxes, we’ll let them stay legally…why would anyone come in through the legal process?</strong>”</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: blue; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">May 2010 Human Events</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; background: white; mso-outline-level: 2;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;" lang="EN-GB">A.J. Delgado, <a href="http://progreso-weekly.com/ini/index.php/home/our-pulse-florida/3847-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Marco Rubio: Amnesty flip-flopper</span></a><strong>, (</strong></span><span style="text-transform: uppercase; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">MARCH 25, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>2013) </span><strong><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB"><a href="http://progreso-weekly.com/ini/index.php/home/our-pulse-florida/3847-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper"><span style="color: #0000ff;">http://progreso-weekly.com/ini/index.php/home/our-pulse-florida/3847-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper</span></a></span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">October 2010 CNN <a href="http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1010/24/sotu.01.html"><span style="color: #006699; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">debate</span></a> between Rubio and Crist, moderated by Candy Crowley</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt 31.5pt; background: white; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">CROWLEY: So you[r] plan is that you’re going to close the borders, get the electronic system, fix the legal system, and then do what?</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt 31.5pt; background: white; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">RUBIO: And then I think if — and then you’ll have a legal immigration system that works. And you’ll have <strong>people in this country that are without documents that will be able to return to the — will be able to leave this country, return to their home land</strong>, and try to re-enter through our system that now functions, a system that makes sense.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; background: white; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">….</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; background: white; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto;"><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">RUBIO: First of all, <strong><span style="background: yellow; mso-highlight: yellow;">earned path to citizenship is basically code for amnesty</span></strong>….</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;"><span style="line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; color: #333333; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">October 2010 CNN <a href="http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1010/24/sotu.01.html"><span style="color: #006699; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">debate</span></a> between Rubio and Crist, moderated by Candy Crowley</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;" lang="EN-GB">A.J. Delgado, <a href="http://progreso-weekly.com/ini/index.php/home/our-pulse-florida/3847-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Marco Rubio: Amnesty flip-flopper</span></a><strong>, (</strong></span><span style="text-transform: uppercase; font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB">MARCH 25, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>2013) </span><strong><span style="font-family: 'Georgia','serif'; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB"><a href="http://progreso-weekly.com/ini/index.php/home/our-pulse-florida/3847-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper"><span style="color: #0000ff;">http://progreso-weekly.com/ini/index.php/home/our-pulse-florida/3847-marco-rubio-amnesty-flip-flopper</span></a></span></strong></p>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/marco-rubio-crown-prince-of-the-moderate-liars/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>The &#8220;Con-Con&#8221; Con</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/the-con-con-con/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/the-con-con-con/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 29 Mar 2013 19:43:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[NDAA]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=262</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Kansas Rep. Brett Hildabrand (R- District 17), on the advice of Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, has introduced HCR-5016, a resolution calling for a constitutional convention, or con-con, as it&#8217;s referred to by both proponents and opponents. Senator Mary Pilcher-Cook has introduced SCR-1613, a joint resolution in the Kansas Senate that mirrors Rep. Hildabrand&#8217;s. On Tuesday, SCR-1613 was referred to the Kansas Senate&#8217;s Standing Committee on Federal and State Affairs. These resolutions, along with the push across the country to trigger a constitutional convention must be stopped. It is ill-advised, and dangerous. Before you get caught up in this being a solution for an out of control federal government, read for yourself what the &#8220;supreme Law of the Land&#8221; says about the amendment process. The U.S. Constitution&#8217;s, Article V reads: “The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents, and Purposes as Part of this Constitution when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Kansas Rep. Brett Hildabrand (R- District 17), on the advice of Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, has introduced <a href="http://www.kslegislature.org/li/b2013_14/measures/documents/hcr5016_00_0000.pdf" target="_blank">HCR-5016</a>, a resolution calling for a constitutional convention, or con-con, as it&#8217;s referred to by both proponents and opponents. Senator Mary Pilcher-Cook has introduced <a href="http://www.kslegislature.org/li/b2013_14/measures/documents/scr1613_00_0000.pdf" target="_blank">SCR-1613</a>, a joint resolution in the Kansas Senate that mirrors Rep. Hildabrand&#8217;s. On Tuesday, SCR-1613 was referred to the Kansas Senate&#8217;s <a href="http://www.kslegislature.org/li/b2013_14/committees/ctte_s_fed_st_1/" target="_blank">Standing Committee on Federal and State Affairs</a>.</p>
<p>These resolutions, along with the push across the country to trigger a constitutional convention must be stopped. It is ill-advised, and dangerous. Before you get caught up in this being a solution for an out of control federal government, read for yourself what the &#8220;supreme Law of the Land&#8221; says about the amendment process.</p>
<p>The U.S. Constitution&#8217;s, Article V reads:</p>
<blockquote><p><em>“<span style="text-decoration: underline;">The Congress</span>, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, <span style="text-decoration: underline;">on the Application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, </span><span style="text-decoration: underline;">shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments</span>, which, in either Case, <span style="text-decoration: underline;">shall be valid to all Intents, and Purposes as Part of this Constitution when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress</span>; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.”</em>  (Emphasis added.)</p></blockquote>
<p><a href="http://patriotcoalition.com" target="_blank">Patriot Coalition</a> co-founder <a href="mailto:Jeff@patriotcoalition.com">Jeff Lewis</a>, is co-author of <a href="http://theintolerableacts.org">The Intolerable Acts <em>ACTION CENTER</em></a> NDAA resolutions for state and local governments and &#8220;<em>The Restoring Constitutional Governance Act</em>&#8221; for<a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/ndaa-resolutions/" target="_blank"> states</a> and <a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/docs/RCG-Act.pdf" target="_blank">Congress</a> Mr. Lewis, who also sits on the advisory council for the <a href="http://www.citizensconstitutionalcaucus.com/" target="_blank">Citizens Constitutional Caucus</a> warns,</p>
<blockquote><p>&#8220;<em>This push for a con-con is dangerous. It&#8217;s playing Russian roulette with the Constitution and Bill of Rights, except instead of only one bullet chambered, there&#8217;s only one chamber empty. Since Article V of the Constitution authorizes Congress to decide whether state legislatures or conventions will be used to decide on the ratification/adoption of any proposed amendments to the Constitution, there is no guarantee that state legislatures won&#8217;t be completely bypassed, and since We the People won&#8217;t know what method Congress chooses until after the trigger is pulled on scheduling a constitutional convention, this is playing with fire. This is an ill-conceived diversion away from the discussion of what is really at the root of our nation&#8217;s problems, and that is an abject failure and refusal by public servants to uphold their oaths of office to support and defend against all enemies, foreign and domestic the Constitution of the United States.</em>&#8220;</p></blockquote>
<p>It also presumes that the other 49 states would only bring to the convention the same issues for consideration of amending the U.S. Constitution that Kansas has brought. That position is not supported by history, nor by Article V of the Constitution whatsoever.</p>
<p>On the March 24, 2013 Kris Kobach Show, Patriot Coalition general counsel Richard D. Fry <a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/docs/Kobach-Show.mp3" target="_blank">debated </a>Secretary of State Kobach on the pros and cons of a constitutional convention. Constitutional law professor Kobach is advising the citizens of Kansas and the Kansas legislature that if they adopt this resolution, and two thirds of the states pass a similar resolution calling for a con-con, that it will restrain it from turning into a &#8220;runaway convention.&#8221;</p>
<p>Mr. Fry, a constitutional attorney and defender of liberty, reached out to conservative icon and constitutional attorney Phyllis Schlafly, founder of <em><a href="http://eagleforum.org" target="_blank">Eagle Forum</a></em> regarding her position on a modern-day constitutional convention.</p>
<p>Mrs. Schlafly, in the attached letter dated March 27, 2013 &#8220;<a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/docs/Phyllis%20Schlafy-Con-Con-Letter-3-27-2013.pdf"><em>A Convention to Amend Our Constitution Is a Terrible Idea</em></a>&#8220;expressed similar deep concerns, stating,</p>
<blockquote><p><strong><em>“Eagle Forum is totally opposed to calling a new Article V convention and will oppose anyone who votes for one.”</em></strong></p></blockquote>
<p>The Eagle Forum founder continued,</p>
<blockquote><p><em>&#8220;The miracle of our great United States Constitution is that it has lasted for more than two centuries, accommodating our great geographic and economic expansion and political problems, while preserving individual liberties. I don’t see any James Madisons, George Washingtons, Ben Franklins or Alexander Hamiltons around today who could do as good a job as was done in 1787, and I’m very concerned about the politicians who think they can improve on our Founding Fathers.&#8221;</em></p></blockquote>
<p>Mrs. Schlafly reached out to then-U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice Warren Burger in 1988 regarding her concerns about a con-con.</p>
<p>Chief Justice Berger&#8217;s <a href="http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/WarrenBurger-letter.pdf">opinion</a> was that &#8220;<strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><em>there is no effective way to limit or muzzle the actions of a Constitutional Convention.</em></span></strong>&#8221;</p>
<p>Tom DeWeese, founder of the <a href="http://americanpolicy.org">American Policy Center</a>, in February 6, 2013 action alert, requested help to &#8220;<a href="http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/APC-Action-Alert-Stop-the-Con-Con.pdf.">slam the door on this insanity once and for all</a>.&#8221;</p>
<p>In an American Policy Center Newswire published March 29, 2013, Mr. DeWeese reports in &#8220;<a href="http://us1.campaign-archive2.com/?u=3af5d41d21ad9fce53c86ba9d&amp;id=4abdab5920&amp;e=b149c9577b"><em>The Con Con Call is Growing Stronger,</em></a>&#8221; stating,</p>
<blockquote><p>&#8220;<em>More and more states are introducing calls for a Constitutional Convention, specifically to demand a balance budget Amendment to the Constitution. Kansas, Ohio, Georgia and Indiana are the latest to issue legislation to call for a Con Con. Kansas State Rep. Brett Hildebrand says he plans a national campaign to get other states to join them. Armed with assurances from Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach that a Con Con can be controlled, Hildebrand says he now believes that Constitutional safeguards will prevent bad things happening to the Constitution in such a convention.</em>&#8220;</p></blockquote>
<p>Secure the Republic&#8217;s Secure Arkansas reports that the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) is engaged in a national campaign to convince state legislators that a constitutional convention can be constrained to a single issue.</p>
<p>In &#8220;<em><a href="http://securetherepublic.com/main/435-2/">The Effort to Dismantle Our Constitution</a></em>,&#8221; posted on Secure the Republic&#8217;s Constitutional Convention website, Jackie Patru states,</p>
<blockquote><p><em>&#8220;</em><em>We’ve come to realize that, even though the liberals are blamed for the downfall of America, the phony conservative leaders have held the door open for them to do so. We urgently appeal to true conservative state legislators and Americans in all political parties to open their eyes to the fact that the Democrat and Republican parties are a single two-headed monster.</em><em>&#8220;</em></p></blockquote>
<p>Please educate yourself, read the simple language of Article V, and demand your public officials uphold their oath to support and defend the Constitution instead of trying to destroy it.</p>
<p>God Bless America and Those that Defend Her!</p>
<p><a href="http://theintolerableacts.org">The Intolerable Acts ACTION CENTER</a><br />
<a href="http://patriotcoalition.com">Patriot Coalition</a><br />
<span style="color: #990000;"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><br />
Inquiries: </span></strong></span><br />
<a href="mailto:Jeff@patriotcoalition.com">Jeff@patriotcoalition.com</a><br />
<a href="mailto:Richard@patriotcoalition.com">Richard@patriotcoalition.com</a><br />
<a href="mailto:solutions@theintolerableacts.org">Solutions@theintolerableacts.or</a></p>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/the-con-con-con/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
<enclosure url="http://theintolerableacts.org/docs/Kobach-Show.mp3" length="93400535" type="audio/mpeg" />
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death!</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/give-me-liberty-or-give-me-death/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/give-me-liberty-or-give-me-death/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 18 Mar 2013 13:16:28 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[1st Amendment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Constitutional Issues]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Current Events]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Preparedness]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=251</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death March 23, 1775 By Patrick Henry No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at the truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Patrick_Henry_Rothermel.jpg"><img class="alignleft  wp-image-252" style="border: 12px solid white;" title="Patrick Henry Rothermel" src="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/Patrick_Henry_Rothermel.jpg" alt="" width="339" height="438" /></a></h2>
<h2></h2>
<h2><a href="http://www.law.ou.edu/ushistory/henry.shtml" target="_blank">Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death</a></h2>
<p>March 23, 1775<br />
By Patrick Henry</p>
<p>No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at the truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.</p>
<p>Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the numbers of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth, to know the worst, and to provide for it.</p>
<p>I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received?</p>
<p>Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlement assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.</p>
<p>There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free&#8211;if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending&#8211;if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained&#8211;we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us! They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable&#8211;and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.</p>
<p>It is in vain, sir, to extentuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace&#8211;but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!</p>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/give-me-liberty-or-give-me-death/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>National Sheriffs Assoc. Encourages Sheriffs to Commit “treason to the Constitution”</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/national-sheriffs-assoc-encourages-sheriffs-to-commit-treason-to-the-constitution/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/national-sheriffs-assoc-encourages-sheriffs-to-commit-treason-to-the-constitution/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 04 Feb 2013 22:55:38 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[NDAA]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=233</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[The National Sheriffs Association (NSA) and its President are calling for sheriffs to commit treason to the Constitution! It’s outrageous! The NSA issued a press release on 2/1/13,   “NSA Position Statement on Gun Control.” The shocking document is not so much about gun control as the NSA’s philosophy on the duties of a sheriff. It is a finely crafted “political statement” in which they say all the right things people want to hear about the Second Amendment. But, it also includes certain philosophies that the average citizen will gloss over but that are even more important than its statement on gun control. In fact, the philosophies neutralize their statements in support of the Second Amendment. According to the NSA, sheriffs are to enforce whatever laws are passed by Congress and leave it up to the federal courts to decide if such laws are Constitutional. It’s an abuse now, apologize later policy. It also shows a lack of understanding of how our government works. The lower federal courts have no authority over the states and a state has concurrent power to interpret the Constitution and federal law. It is in absolute contradiction of the sheriffs’ duties under Article VI clauses 2 [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The National Sheriffs Association (NSA) and its President are calling for sheriffs to commit treason to the Constitution! It’s outrageous!</p>
<p><a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/NSA-LOGO.jpg"><img class="alignleft  wp-image-234" title="NSA-LOGO" src="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/NSA-LOGO.jpg" alt="" width="190" height="180" /></a>The NSA issued a press release on 2/1/13,   “NSA Position Statement on Gun Control.” The shocking <a href="http://sheriffs.org/sites/default/files/uploads/NSA_Resolution_2013-1.pdf" target="_blank">document</a> is not so much about gun control as the NSA’s philosophy on the duties of a sheriff.</p>
<p>It is a finely crafted “political statement” in which they say all the right things people want to hear about the Second Amendment. But, it also includes certain philosophies that the average citizen will gloss over but that are even more important than its statement on gun control. <span style="text-decoration: underline;">In fact, the philosophies neutralize their statements in support of the Second Amendment. </span></p>
<p>According to the NSA, sheriffs are to enforce whatever laws are passed by Congress and leave it up to the federal courts to decide if such laws are Constitutional. It’s an <em><strong>abuse now, apologize later</strong></em> policy.</p>
<p>It also shows a lack of understanding of how our government works. The lower federal courts have no authority over the states and a state has concurrent power to interpret the Constitution and federal law.</p>
<p>It is in absolute contradiction of the sheriffs’ duties under Article VI clauses 2 and 3. This Article establishes that <span style="text-decoration: underline;">not every federal law is supreme</span> but that only federal laws passed “in Pursuance” of the Constitution are the “supreme Law of the Land”.  The last clause of Article VI requires sheriffs to take an oath to protect the Constitution.</p>
<p>Together these clauses require all state and federal, legislative, judicial, and executive officers (including sheriffs) to have a working knowledge of the Constitution. It also establishes an active, affirmative, and personal duty on their part to protect the Constitution. One cannot protect the Constitution if they do not know what it says and means. Nor can they protect the Constitution by enforcing laws contrary to it or sitting on the sideline while others do so. <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Again the duty is active and affirmative.</span></p>
<p>This is exactly the position taken by the NSA. It says “…sheriffs do not possess the legal authority to interpret the constitutionality of any law…”</p>
<p>Yes they must blindly enforce any law that comes down the pike according to the NSA, like a bunch of robotic cops or well-trained apes. These are the kind of guys that would warm the hearts of any segregationist or slave owner trying to get the return of a slave from a “free state.” In fact this was the defense used at the Nuremberg trails following WWII, “I was only following orders.” It did not work there and we should not accept it here.</p>
<p>This type of an attitude works great for those who want a Gestapo or a KGB, but it ill serves a free Constitutional Republic.</p>
<p>In 1821 Chief Justice Marshal said that to accept authority one did not have under the constitution or to refuse authority one did have was “treason to the Constitution”.  Cohen v. Virginia.</p>
<p>It’s not just our kids that have been dummied-down. Thank God for the efforts of the Constitutional Sheriffs and Police Officers Association and Sheriff Richard Mack for their efforts to re-educate our country’s law enforcement officers on their constitutional duties. The Oath Keepers are doing the same for our military.</p>
<p>NSA goes on to say “…<em>sheriffs strongly support our citizens’ protected right to bear arms under the Second Amendment</em>…”  They then compound this erroneous statement by saying “…the National Sheriffs’ Association supports the <strong>rights conferred by the Second Amendment</strong> …”</p>
<p>The Second Amendment does not give citizens a right to “keep and bear arms”. None of the Bill of Rights “confers” any right what-so-ever!</p>
<p>The Second Amendment simply tells the feds they “shall not infringe” such pre-constitutional God given inalienable right. There is quite a difference in the two. It amazes me that profession law enforcement officers who are under oath to the Constitution do not have even a fundamental grasp of what it means.</p>
<p>A major message by the Framers was that it was dangerous to our Liberty to have a mass of folks running around who were armed and either did not support our Constitution and its foundational principles  (hence the Article VI oath) or who did not know them (like foreign troops.)</p>
<p>Think about this. Under the NSA philosophy if the federal government gives the order to take away our guns, either through a Feinstein bill or an Obama Executive Order, the members of the NSA see it as their duty to enforce (and help?) such a law until such time as a federal court tells them they may not do so. Including appeals that could take years.</p>
<p>The NSA does not recognize a duty to only enforce constitutional laws or apparently to even know the Constitution.  We should call these people “Supremacy Freaks”.</p>
<p>I suppose if there is a disaster in your area and the military move in and direct the NSA member sheriffs to collect citizens’ guns they will feel compelled to oblige, such as happen in New Orleans, Louisiana and Greenburg, Kansas.</p>
<p>Kind of makes you feel warm and fuzzy doesn’t it?</p>
<p>For the sake of Liberty,</p>
<p>Richard D. Fry</p>
<p>November Patriots</p>
<p>General Counsel, Patriot Coalition</p>
<p align="center">Notes</p>
<ol>
<li>Todd C. Frankel, Gun control debate reveals rift among nation&#8217;s sheriffs,  St. Louis Post – Dispatch   (2/4/13)  <a href="http://www.stltoday.com/news/local/metro/gun-control-debate-reveals-rift-among-nation-s-sheriffs/article_8a68c343-88d0-52b0-87d6-380486b5835f.html"><span style="color: #0000ff;">http://www.stltoday.com/news/local/metro/gun-control-debate-reveals-rift-among-nation-s-sheriffs/article_8a68c343-88d0-52b0-87d6-380486b5835f.html</span></a></li>
</ol>
<p>2.       <a href="http://www.sheriffs.org/"><span style="color: #0000ff;">http://www.sheriffs.org/</span></a>  NSA Position Statement on Gun Control</p>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/national-sheriffs-assoc-encourages-sheriffs-to-commit-treason-to-the-constitution/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>9</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Supreme Court asks feds to explain sentence</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/supreme-court-asks-feds-to-explain-sentence/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/supreme-court-asks-feds-to-explain-sentence/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 03 Feb 2013 19:47:08 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[2nd Amendment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Constitutional Issues]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Current Events]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Oath Keepers]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=223</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Supreme Court asks feds to explain sentence. (Originally published on World Net Daily) The U.S. Supreme Court has asked the federal government to explain its punishment for a U.S. soldier convicted of shooting and killing a suspected terrorist who was attacking him. The word comes from the parents of Army 1st Lt. Michael Behenna, Scott and Vicki Behenna, who have been raising awareness of their son’s case through the Defend Michael website. Lower courts have concluded that since Michael Behenna was holding the terror suspect at gunpoint, he gave up the right to defend himself when the suspect allegedly lunged for his service weapon. The suspect, Ali Mansur, was thought to be involved in a series of attacks on American troops. The judges determined Behenna was conducting an “unauthorized” interrogation when Mansur lunged for Behenna’s weapon and he fired. Behenna, an Army Ranger, was given a 15-year sentence and now is in Fort Leavenworth. Behenna’s parents told WND in an email that the Supreme Court, which has been asked to review the case, now is seeking a response from the government. “The government had previously waived their right to respond. We knew Michael’s petition did not have a chance of [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.wnd.com/2013/02/supreme-court-asks-feds-to-explain-sentence/">Supreme Court asks feds to explain sentence</a>. (Originally published on World Net Daily)</p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.wnd.com/2013/02/supreme-court-asks-feds-to-explain-sentence/"><img src="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/Behenna32-340x170.jpg" alt="Lt. Michael Behenna" /></a></p>
<p>The U.S. Supreme Court has asked the federal government to explain its punishment for a U.S. soldier convicted of shooting and killing a suspected terrorist who was attacking him.</p>
<p>The word comes from the parents of Army 1st Lt. Michael Behenna, Scott and Vicki Behenna, who have been raising awareness of their son’s case through the <a href="http://www.defendmichael.com">Defend Michael</a> website.</p>
<p>Lower courts have concluded that since Michael Behenna was holding the terror suspect at gunpoint, he gave up the right to defend himself when the suspect allegedly lunged for his service weapon.</p>
<p>The suspect, Ali Mansur, was thought to be involved in a series of attacks on American troops. The judges determined Behenna was conducting an “unauthorized” interrogation when Mansur lunged for Behenna’s weapon and he fired.</p>
<p>Behenna, an Army Ranger, was given a 15-year sentence and now is in Fort Leavenworth.</p>
<p>Behenna’s parents told WND in an email that the Supreme Court, which has been asked to review the case, now is seeking a response from the government.</p>
<p>“The government had previously waived their right to respond. We knew Michael’s petition did not have a chance of moving forward in the Supreme Court without the court asking for the government’s position about Michael’s petition,” Scott Behenna wrote.</p>
<p>The new request “allows the court to fairly analyze the petition and requires the government to defend the military’s actions against Michael,” he said.</p>
<p>Behenna’s appeal brief to the high court argues soldiers have guns for a reason – to “maintain a tactical advantage, control and dangerous situation, or restrain potential enemies.”</p>
<p>Therefore, the petition states, soldiers should not be prevented from defending themselves if an enemy attacks.</p>
<p>Behenna’s conviction has been affirmed in the military court system even though an expert witness testified that the evidence indicated Mansur was lunging at Behenna and probably trying to grab his weapon.</p>
<p>“Even assuming that a service member becomes an initial aggressor by pointing a firearm at a suspected enemy without authorization, the common law of self-defense does not categorically equate gun pointing with ‘deadly force’ that wholly forfeits the defender’s right to repel a lethal attack,” the brief argues. “Civilian law enforcement officers do not automatically turn into defenseless targets the moment they aim a firearm without authorization at a potential threat.”</p>
<p>The military court’s ruling is “dangerous,” the brief contends.</p>
<p>“It puts service members in combat zones in a more vulnerable position than their civilian law enforcement counterparts. Though Lt. Behenna’s interrogation of the suspected terrorist did not occur in a conventional ‘active battlefield situation,’ neither did it involve some brawl in a stateside barroom. It arose from a counter-insurgency operation in ‘the combat theater of operations.’</p>
<p>“There, countless service members point their weapons on a daily basis – as they are trained to do – to maintain a tactical advantage, control a dangerous situation, or restrain potential enemies.”</p>
<p>Behenna, from Edmond, Okla., was sent to Iraq in 2007 and led a platoon in northern Baghdad that conducted counter-insurgency operations.</p>
<p>On April 21, 2008, soldiers patrolled a hotbed of insurgency called Salam Village. Two suspects were captured, but a bomb tore through the patrol, killing five people. Reports linked a local named Ali Mansur to the attack and claimed he belonged to al-Qaida.</p>
<p>Behenna’s platoon took Mansur into custody May 4, 2008, when a local leader identified him as a terrorist. Army interrogators questioned Mansur several times but could not “get answers.” One questioner told Behenna Mansur was “being deceptive and lying.’”</p>
<p>When told to take Mansur back and release him, Behenna decided to interrogate Mansur first. He took Mansur to a location outside the village, removed Mansur’s clothes and handcuffs and told him to sit on a large rock inside the mouth of a culvert.</p>
<p>“At a distance of about two to three feet, Lt. Behenna pointed a handgun at Mansur while questioning him. … As Mansur said something in response, Lt. Behenna turned away from Mansur to hear [a translator]. While Lt. Behenna’s head was turned, he heard a chunk of concrete hit the tunnel wall above his left shoulder. Lt. Behenna testified that, when he turned back to look at Mansur, Mansur ‘was reaching up toward my weapon, getting up.’”</p>
<p>Behenna “instinctively” stepped left and fired, because he feared the suspect “was going to take my weapon and use it on me.”</p>
<p>Prosecutors charged him.</p>
<p>During the trial, a government witness, Herbert MacDonell, told prosecutors that Behenna’s explanation of the shots – one that hit the suspect in the chest and a second that hit him in the head as he was falling – was the “only logical” explanation that was consistent with the evidence.</p>
<p>MacDonell has over 50 years of experience in forensic science and participated in investigations of the Martin Luther King Jr. and Sen. Robert Kennedy assassinations. He also testified in the O.J. Simpson murder case. But the government refused to allow MacDonell to testify. MacDonell told the defense counsel when he was told to leave, “I would have made a great witness for you.”</p>
<p>The details of the apparently exculpatory evidence were provided to the defense only after the verdict was delivered.</p>
<p>The information held back included a statement from MacDonell.</p>
<p>“I am sure that had I testified I would have wanted to give my reenactment so the jury could have had the option of considering how well the defendant’s story fit the physical facts,” MacDonell said. “This, of course, would not have been helpful to the prosecution case. However, I feel that it is quite important as possible exculpatory evidence.”</p>
<p>Military courts, however, ruled Behenna “had lost the right to act in self-defense as a matter of law” – no matter what actions the suspect took.</p>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;">Read more at <a style="color: #003399;" href="http://www.wnd.com/2013/02/supreme-court-asks-feds-to-explain-sentence/#OPVWiTvjCU0XiCWU.99">http://www.wnd.com/2013/02/supreme-court-asks-feds-to-explain-sentence/#OPVWiTvjCU0XiCWU.99</a></div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;"></div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;">Footnote from Patriot Coalition National Director Jeff Lewis:</div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;"></div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;">Over three years ago I traveled to Washington, D.C. for meetings and briefings on Capitol Hill with Lt. Behenna&#8217;s mother, Vicki, and Beverly Perlson, founder of The Band of Mothers, to educate Congressmen and Senators as to the outrageous and intolerable actions of the military commission that was more concerned with a conviction than with the truth.</div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;"></div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;">I heard Mrs. Behenna tell the story above over and over at each new meeting, and a formal briefing. That was the first week of December, 2009. In the same fashion as Border Patrol Agents Ignacio Ramos and Jose Compean were thrown under the political bus for years, so has been the case of Lt. Behenna.</div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;"></div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;">He may eventually win his well-deserved freedom, but what of the dishonorable scoundrels who denied him justice in the first place? Will they suffer even being denied their freedom for a single day? Doubtful.</div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;"></div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;">And what of the Members of Congress we met with on those cold December days over three years ago. I still wear the memory bracelet that Vicki Behenna gave me which bears the name of her hero son, and the words &#8220;DefendMichael.com&#8221; as a reminder to bring up his plight to both the public and public servants in the ensuing years.</div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;"></div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;">What an indictment of the insanity that has become American justice that it&#8217;s taken so long for the U.S. Supreme Court to demand what seemed so obvious three years ago. Lt. Behenna was railroaded. The &#8220;blood spatter expert-of-experts&#8221; was kept off the witness stand to secure a conviction.</div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;"></div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;">Godspeed to the Supreme Court in righting this most heinous abuse of military injustice on one of its own.</div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;"></div>
<div style="overflow: hidden; color: #000000; background-color: transparent; text-align: left; text-decoration: none;">-Jeff Lewis, Gulf War Veteran</div>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/supreme-court-asks-feds-to-explain-sentence/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Protecting the Second Amendment – Why all Americans Should Be Concerned &#8211; Professional Soldiers ®</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/protecting-the-second-amendment-why-all-americans-should-be-concerned-professional-soldiers/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/protecting-the-second-amendment-why-all-americans-should-be-concerned-professional-soldiers/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 22:03:04 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[2nd Amendment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Constitutional Issues]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Current Events]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[NDAA]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Oath Keepers]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Preparedness]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=213</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Protecting the Second Amendment – Why all Americans Should Be Concerned &#8211; Professional Soldiers ®. Protecting the Second Amendment – Why all Americans Should Be Concerned We are current or former Army Reserve, National Guard, and active duty US Army Special Forces soldiers (Green Berets). We have all taken an oath to “&#8230;support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same.…” The Constitution of the United States is without a doubt the single greatest document in the history of mankind, codifying the fundamental principle of governmental power and authority being derived from and granted through the consent of the governed. Our Constitution established a system of governance that preserves, protects, and holds sacrosanct the individual rights and primacy of the governed as well as providing for the explicit protection of the governed from governmental tyranny and/or oppression. We have witnessed the insidious and iniquitous effects of tyranny and oppression on people all over the world. We and our forebears have embodied and personified our organizational motto, De Oppresso Liber [To Free the Oppressed], for more than a half century as we have fought, [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.professionalsoldiers.com/forums/showthread.php?t=40772" target="_blank">Protecting the Second Amendment – Why all Americans Should Be Concerned &#8211; Professional Soldiers ®</a>.</p>
<p><strong>Protecting the Second Amendment – Why all Americans Should Be Concerned</strong></p>
<p>We are current or former Army Reserve, National Guard, and active duty US Army Special Forces soldiers (Green Berets). We have all taken an oath to “&#8230;support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same.…” The Constitution of the United States is without a doubt the single greatest document in the history of mankind, codifying the fundamental principle of governmental power and authority being derived from and granted through the consent of the governed. Our Constitution established a system of governance that preserves, protects, and holds sacrosanct the individual rights and primacy of the governed as well as providing for the explicit protection of the governed from governmental tyranny and/or oppression. We have witnessed the insidious and iniquitous effects of tyranny and oppression on people all over the world. We and our forebears have embodied and personified our organizational motto, De Oppresso Liber [To Free the Oppressed], for more than a half century as we have fought, shed blood, and died in the pursuit of freedom for the oppressed.</p>
<p>Like you, we are also loving and caring fathers and grandfathers. Like you, we have been stunned, horrified, and angered by the tragedies of Columbine, Virginia Tech, Aurora, Fort Hood, and Sandy Hook; and like you, we are searching for solutions to the problem of gun-related crimes in our society. Many of us are educators in our second careers and have a special interest to find a solution to this problem. However, unlike much of the current vox populi reactions to this tragedy, we offer a different perspective.</p>
<p>First, we need to set the record straight on a few things. The current debate is over so-called “assault weapons” and high capacity magazines. The terms &#8220;assault weapon&#8221; and &#8220;assault rifle&#8221; are often confused. According to Bruce H. Kobayashi and Joseph E. Olson, writing in the Stanford Law and Policy Review, “Prior to 1989, the term ‘assault weapon’ did not exist in the lexicon of firearms. It is a political term [underline added for emphasis], developed by anti-gun publicists to expand the category of assault rifles.”</p>
<p>The M4A1 carbine is a U.S. military service rifle &#8211; it is an assault rifle. The AR-15 is not an assault rifle. The “AR” in its name does not stand for “Assault Rifle” &#8211; it is the designation from the first two letters of the manufacturer’s name – ArmaLite Corporation. The AR-15 is designed so that it cosmetically looks like the M4A1 carbine assault rifle, but it is impossible to configure the AR-15 to be a fully automatic assault rifle. It is a single shot semi-automatic rifle that can fire between 45 and 60 rounds per minute depending on the skill of the operator. The M4A1 can fire up to 950 rounds per minute. In 1986, the federal government banned the import or manufacture of new fully automatic firearms for sale to civilians. Therefore, the sale of assault rifles are already banned or heavily restricted!</p>
<p>The second part of the current debate is over “high capacity magazines” capable of holding more than 10 rounds in the magazine. As experts in military weapons of all types, it is our considered opinion that reducing magazine capacity from 30 rounds to 10 rounds will only require an additional 6 -8 seconds to change two empty 10 round magazines with full magazines. Would an increase of 6 –8 seconds make any real difference to the outcome in a mass shooting incident? In our opinion it would not. Outlawing such “high capacity magazines” would, however, outlaw a class of firearms that are “in common use”. As such this would be in contravention to the opinion expressed by the U.S. Supreme Court recent decisions.</p>
<p>Moreover, when the Federal Assault Weapons Ban became law in 1994, manufacturers began retooling to produce firearms and magazines that were compliant. One of those ban-compliant firearms was the Hi-Point 995, which was sold with ten-round magazines. In 1999, five years into the Federal Assault Weapons Ban, the Columbine High School massacre occurred. One of the perpetrators, Eric Harris, was armed with a Hi-Point 995. Undeterred by the ten-round capacity of his magazines, Harris simply brought more of them: thirteen magazines would be found in the massacre&#8217;s aftermath. Harris fired 96 rounds before killing himself.</p>
<p>Now that we have those facts straight, in our opinion, it is too easy to conclude that the problem is guns and that the solution to the problem is more and stricter gun control laws. For politicians, it is politically expedient to take that position and pass more gun control laws and then claim to constituents that they have done the right thing in the interest of protecting our children. Who can argue with that? Of course we all want to find a solution. But, is the problem really guns? Would increasing gun regulation solve the problem? Did we outlaw cars to combat drunk driving?</p>
<p>What can we learn from experiences with this issue elsewhere? We cite the experience in Great Britain. Despite the absence of a “gun culture”, Great Britain, with one-fifth the population of the U.S., has experienced mass shootings that are eerily similar to those we have experienced in recent years. In 1987 a lone gunman killed 18 people in Hungerford. What followed was the Firearms Act of 1988 making registration mandatory and banning semi-automatic guns and pump-action shotguns. Despite this ban, on March 13, 1996 a disturbed 43-year old former scout leader, Thomas Hamilton, murdered 16 school children aged five and six and a teacher at a primary school in Dunblane, Scotland. Within a year and a half the Firearms Act was amended to ban all private ownership of hand guns. After both shootings there were amnesty periods resulting in the surrender of thousands of firearms and ammunition. Despite having the toughest gun control laws in the world, gun related crimes increased in 2003 by 35% over the previous year with firearms used in 9,974 recorded crimes in the preceding 12 months. Gun related homicides were up 32% over the same period. Overall, gun related crime had increased 65% since the Dunblane massacre and implementation of the toughest gun control laws in the developed world. In contrast, in 2009 (5 years after the Federal Assault Weapons Ban expired) total firearm related homicides in the U.S. declined by 9% from the 2005 high (Source: “FBI Uniform Crime Reporting Master File, Table 310, Murder Victims – Circumstances and Weapons Used or Cause of Death: 2000-2009”).</p>
<p>Are there unintended consequences to stricter gun control laws and the politically expedient path that we have started down?</p>
<p>In a recent op-ed piece in the San Francisco Chronicle, Brett Joshpe stated that “Gun advocates will be hard-pressed to explain why the average American citizen needs an assault weapon with a high-capacity magazine other than for recreational purposes.”We agree with Kevin D. Williamson (National Review Online, December 28, 2012): “The problem with this argument is that there is no legitimate exception to the Second Amendment right that excludes military-style weapons, because military-style weapons are precisely what the Second Amendment guarantees our right to keep and bear.”</p>
<p>“The purpose of the Second Amendment is to secure our ability to oppose enemies foreign and domestic, a guarantee against disorder and tyranny. Consider the words of Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story”: ‘The importance of this article will scarcely be doubted by any persons, who have duly reflected upon the subject. The militia is the natural defense of a free country against sudden foreign invasions, domestic insurrections, and domestic usurpations of power by rulers. It is against sound policy for a free people to keep up large military establishments and standing armies in time of peace, both from the enormous expenses, with which they are attended, and the facile means, which they afford to ambitious and unprincipled rulers, to subvert the government, or trample upon the rights of the people. The right of the citizens to keep and bear arms has justly been considered, as the palladium of the liberties of a republic; since it offers a strong moral check against the usurpation and arbitrary power of rulers; and will generally, even if these are successful in the first instance, enable the people to resist and triumph over them.’</p>
<p>The Second Amendment has been ruled to specifically extend to firearms “in common use” by the military by the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in U.S. v Miller (1939). In Printz v U.S. (1997) Justice Thomas wrote: “In Miller we determined that the Second Amendment did not guarantee a citizen’s right to possess a sawed-off shot gun because that weapon had not been shown to be “ordinary military equipment” that could “could contribute to the common defense”.</p>
<p>A citizen’s right to keep and bear arms for personal defense unconnected with service in a militia has been reaffirmed in the U.S. Supreme Court decision (District of Columbia, et al. v Heller, 2008). The Court Justice Scalia wrote in the majority opinion: “The Second Amendment protects an individual right to possess a firearm unconnected with service in a militia, and to use that arm for traditionally lawful purposes, such as self-defense within the home.“. Justice Scalia went on to define a militia as “… comprised all males physically capable of acting in concert for the common defense ….”<br />
“The Anti-Federalists feared that the Federal Government would disarm the people in order to disable this citizens’ militia, enabling a politicized standing army or a select militia to rule. The response was to deny Congress power to abridge the ancient right of individuals to keep and bear arms, so that the ideal of a citizens’ militia would be preserved.” he explained.</p>
<p>On September 13, 1994, the Federal Assault Weapons Ban went into effect. A Washington Post editorial published two days later was candid about the ban&#8217;s real purpose:“[N]o one should have any illusions about what was accomplished [by the ban]. Assault weapons play a part in only a small percentage of crime. The provision is mainly symbolic; its virtue will be if it turns out to be, as hoped, a stepping stone to broader gun control.”</p>
<p>In a challenge to the authority of the Federal government to require State and Local Law Enforcement to enforce Federal Law (Printz v United States) the U.S. Supreme Court rendered a decision in 1997. For the majority opinion Justice Scalia wrote: &#8220;…. this Court never has sanctioned explicitly a federal command to the States to promulgate and enforce laws and regulations When we were at last confronted squarely with a federal statute that unambiguously required the States to enact or administer a federal regulatory program, our decision should have come as no surprise….. It is an essential attribute of the States&#8217; retained sovereignty that they remain independent and autonomous within their proper sphere of authority.”</p>
<p>So why should non-gun owners, a majority of Americans, care about maintaining the 2nd Amendment right for citizens to bear arms of any kind?</p>
<p>The answer is “The Battle of Athens, TN”. The Cantrell family had controlled the economy and politics of McMinn County, Tennessee since the 1930s. Paul Cantrell had been Sheriff from 1936 -1940 and in 1942 was elected to the State Senate. His chief deputy, Paul Mansfield, was subsequently elected to two terms as Sheriff. In 1946 returning WWII veterans put up a popular candidate for Sheriff. On August 1 Sheriff Mansfield and 200 “deputies” stormed the post office polling place to take control of the ballot boxes wounding an objecting observer in the process. The veterans bearing military style weapons, laid siege to the Sheriff’s office demanding return of the ballot boxes for public counting of the votes as prescribed in Tennessee law. After exchange of gun fire and blowing open the locked doors, the veterans secured the ballot boxes thereby protecting the integrity of the election. And this is precisely why all Americans should be concerned about protecting all of our right to keep and bear arms as guaranteed by the Second Amendment!</p>
<p>Throughout history, disarming the populace has always preceded tyrants’ accession of power. Hitler, Stalin, and Mao all disarmed their citizens prior to installing their murderous regimes. At the beginning of our own nation’s revolution, one of the first moves made by the British government was an attempt to disarm our citizens. When our Founding Fathers ensured that the 2nd Amendment was made a part of our Constitution, they were not just wasting ink. They were acting to ensure our present security was never forcibly endangered by tyrants, foreign or domestic.</p>
<p>If there is a staggering legal precedent to protect our 2nd Amendment right to keep and bear arms and if stricter gun control laws are not likely to reduce gun related crime, why are we having this debate? Other than making us and our elected representatives feel better because we think that we are doing something to protect our children, these actions will have no effect and will only provide us with a false sense of security.</p>
<p>So, what do we believe will be effective? First, it is important that we recognize that this is not a gun control problem; it is a complex sociological problem. No single course of action will solve the problem. Therefore, it is our recommendation that a series of diverse steps be undertaken, the implementation of which will require patience and diligence to realize an effect. These are as follows:</p>
<p>1. First and foremost we support our Second Amendment right in that “A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed”.</p>
<p>2. We support State and Local School Boards in their efforts to establish security protocols in whatever manner and form that they deem necessary and adequate. One of the great strengths of our Republic is that State and Local governments can be creative in solving problems. Things that work can be shared. Our point is that no one knows what will work and there is no one single solution, so let’s allow the State and Local governments with the input of the citizens to make the decisions. Most recently the Cleburne Independent School District will become the first district in North Texas to consider allowing some teachers to carry concealed guns. We do not opine as to the appropriateness of this decision, but we do support their right to make this decision for themselves.</p>
<p>3. We recommend that Assisted Outpatient Treatment (AOT) laws be passed in every State. AOT is formerly known as Involuntary Outpatient Commitment (IOC) and allows the courts to order certain individuals with mental disorders to comply with treatment while living in the community. In each of the mass shooting incidents the perpetrator was mentally unstable. We also believe that people who have been adjudicated as incompetent should be simultaneously examined to determine whether they should be allowed the right to retain/purchase firearms.</p>
<p>4. We support the return of firearm safety programs to schools along the lines of the successful &#8220;Eddie the Eagle&#8221; program, which can be taught in schools by Peace Officers or other trained professionals.</p>
<p>5. Recent social psychology research clearly indicates that there is a direct relationship between gratuitously violent movies/video games and desensitization to real violence and increased aggressive behavior particularly in children and young adults (See Nicholas L. Carnagey, et al. 2007. “The effect of video game violence on physiological desensitization to real-life violence” and the references therein. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 43:489-496). Therefore, we strongly recommend that gratuitous violence in movies and video games be discouraged. War and war-like behavior should not be glorified. Hollywood and video game producers are exploiting something they know nothing about. General Sherman famously said “War is Hell!” Leave war to the Professionals. War is not a game and should not be &#8220;sold&#8221; as entertainment to our children.</p>
<p>6. We support repeal of the Gun-Free School Zones Act of 1990. This may sound counter-intuitive, but it obviously isn’t working. It is our opinion that “Gun-Free Zones” anywhere are too tempting of an environment for the mentally disturbed individual to inflict their brand of horror with little fear of interference. While governmental and non-governmental organizations, businesses, and individuals should be free to implement a Gun-Free Zone if they so choose, they should also assume Tort liability for that decision.</p>
<p>7. We believe that border states should take responsibility for implementation of border control laws to prevent illegal shipments of firearms and drugs. Drugs have been illegal in this country for a long, long time yet the Federal Government manages to seize only an estimated 10% of this contraband at our borders. Given this dismal performance record that is misguided and inept (“Fast and Furious”), we believe that border States will be far more competent at this mission.</p>
<p>8. This is our country, these are our rights. We believe that it is time that we take personal responsibility for our choices and actions rather than abdicate that responsibility to someone else under the illusion that we have done something that will make us all safer. We have a responsibility to stand by our principles and act in accordance with them. Our children are watching and they will follow the example we set.</p>
<p>The undersigned Quiet Professionals hereby humbly stand ever present, ever ready, and ever vigilant.</p>
<p>1100 Green Berets Signed this Letter</p>
<p>We have a list of all their names and unlike any MSM outlets we can confirm that over 1100 Green Berets did sign. The list includes Special Forces Major Generals &amp; Special Forces Command Sergeants Major down to the lowest ranking &#8220;Green Beret&#8221;.</p>
<p>The letter stands for itself.</p>
<p>Read it and send it everywhere.</p>
<p>Team Sergeant</p>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/protecting-the-second-amendment-why-all-americans-should-be-concerned-professional-soldiers/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>1</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Wyoming House Committee passes NDAA Bill</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/197/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/197/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 29 Jan 2013 09:50:13 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[NDAA]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=197</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[On Tuesday, Jan. 29, 2013, the Wyoming Transportation, Highways, and Military Affairs Committee passed HB-0114, The Wyoming Liberty Preservation Act, by a vote of 6-3. Introduced by Rep. Kendell Kroeker to combat the unconstitutional &#8220;indefinite detention&#8221; provisions in the 2012 National Defense Authorization Act, the Wyoming Liberty Preservation Act is now headed for a vote before the full Wyoming House.  NOTE: The &#8220;open letter&#8221; below is to the Wyoming Legislature regarding HB-0114, &#8220;The Wyoming Liberty Preservation Act.&#8221; The Patriot Coalition / Oath Keepers NDAA resolutions and legislation are not nullification documents, as the letter below explains in great detail. It include vitals  information, and links to source documents related to the unconstitutionality of the indefinite detention provisions of the 2012 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), as well as historical references from the authors of the Declaration of Independence and Constitution, the Federalist Papers, U.S. Supreme Court rulings regarding the usurpation of the Constitution, and citations from Supreme Court cases directly related to the intolerable acts themselves that Presidents Bush and Obama have claimed as inherent powers under Article II (as Commander-in-Chief) in this post 9/11/2001 world. Simply repealing the unconstitutional provisions of the 2012 NDAA alone are not enough. Congress must [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div><strong></strong><a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/Wyoming-seal.jpg"><img class="alignleft  wp-image-211" title="Wyoming-seal" src="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/Wyoming-seal.jpg" alt="" width="143" height="138" /></a></div>
<div style="padding-left: 150px;"><span style="color: #000000;">On Tuesday, Jan. 29, 2013, the Wyoming Transportation, Highways, and Military Affairs Committee passed HB-0114, The Wyoming Liberty Preservation Act, by a vote of 6-3. Introduced by <a href="http://legisweb.state.wy.us/LegislatorSummary/LegDetail.aspx?LegID=1968" target="_blank"><span style="color: #000000;">Rep. Kendell Kroeker</span></a><strong> </strong>to combat the unconstitutional &#8220;indefinite detention&#8221; provisions in the 2012 National Defense Authorization Act, the Wyoming Liberty Preservation Act is now headed for a vote before the full Wyoming House. </span><strong> </strong></div>
<div style="padding-left: 30px;">
<p style="padding-left: 120px;"><span style="color: #990000;"><strong>NOTE: </strong><span style="color: #000066;"><span style="color: #000000;">The &#8220;open letter&#8221; below is to the Wyoming Legislature regarding HB-0114, &#8220;The Wyoming Liberty Preservation Act.&#8221; </span><br />
</span></span></p>
<p><span style="color: #990000;"><span style="color: #000066;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><strong><span style="color: #990000; text-decoration: underline;">The Patriot Coalition / Oath Keepers NDAA resolutions and legislation are </span></strong><span style="color: #990000; text-decoration: underline;"><strong>not</strong><strong> nullif</strong></span></span><span style="color: #990000;"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;">ication documents</span></strong></span>,<span style="color: #000000;"> as the letter below explains in great detail. It include vitals  information, and links to source documents related to the unconstitutionality of the indefinite detention provisions of the 2012 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), as well as historical references from the authors of the Declaration of Independence and Constitution, the Federalist Papers, U.S. Supreme Court rulings regarding the usurpation of the Constitution, and citations from Supreme Court cases directly related to the intolerable acts themselves that Presidents Bush and Obama have claimed as inherent powers under Article II (as Commander-in-Chief) in this post 9/11/2001 world.</span></span></span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000066;"><span style="color: #000000;">Simply repealing the unconstitutional provisions of the 2012 NDAA alone are not enough. Congress <span style="text-decoration: underline;">must</span> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">prohibit</span> such actions that include the assassination of American citizens at the whim of the current and future Presidents who claim such power.  The lawsuit currently winding its way to the Supreme Court will not likely restore or protect our God-given unalienable Rights even if the plaintiffs prevail. </span></span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;"> It is crucial that state and local governments uphold their oaths of office in defense of Liberty, and that We the People educate ourselves and our public servants on their fundamental and moral duty to &#8220;<em>secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity,</em>&#8221; for which the Constitution of the United States was ordained, and for which 1.3 million Americans have given the &#8220;last full measure of devotion&#8221; in defense of, on our behalf. Pay it forward, folks. God bless and Godspeed! </span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000066;"><span style="color: #000000;"> -Jeff Lewis, National Director, Patriot Coalition.<strong><br />
</strong></span> </span></p>
<p><strong><strong><br />
</strong></strong></p>
<p><strong>Date:     </strong>Monday, January 28, 2013</p>
<p><strong>To</strong>:   <a href="http://legisweb.state.wy.us/LegislatorSummary/LegislatorList.aspx?strHouse=H&amp;strStatus=N" target="_blank">Wyoming House of Representatives</a></p>
<p><a href="mailto:tom.lubnau@wyoleg.gov" target="_blank">Representative Tom Lubnau II</a>, Speaker of the House</p>
<p><a href="mailto:Kermit.Brown@wyoleg.gov" target="_blank">Representative Kermit Brown</a>, House Majority Floor Leader</p>
<p><a href="mailto:Mary.Throne@wyoleg.gov" target="_blank">Representative Mary Throne</a>, House Minority Floor Leader         <strong></strong><strong>Re:        HB-0114, THE WYOMING LIBERTY PRESERVATION ACT</strong><strong></strong></p>
<p>Speaker Lubnau, Majority Leader Brown, and Minority Leader Throne,</p>
<p>As proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, our “unalienable Rights” are endowed by our Creator, not man, and as such, no man or governments has the authority to usurp them.  The U.S. and Wyoming Constitutions were ordained to protect these “unalienable Rights.”</p>
<p><strong>The U.S. Constitution, Article III, Section 2, Clause 3, states:</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.”</em></p>
<p><strong>The U.S. Constitution, Article III, Section 3 states: </strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.”</em></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">On September 12, 2012, Federal Judge Katherine Forrest, placed a permanent injunction against the “indefinite detention” provisions of the 2012 NDAA as unconstitutional (Hedges v. Obama, Case 1:12-cv-00331-KBF), yet the Administration and the bill’s architects in Congress continue to argue in federal court to the contrary.</p>
<p>In Judge Forrest’s ruling, she states,</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“A long line of Supreme Court precedent adheres to that fundamental principle in unequivocal language. Although it is true that there are scattered cases&#8211;primarily decided during World War II&#8211;in which the Supreme Court sanctioned undue deference to the executive and legislative branches on constitutional questions, those cases are generally now considered an embarrassment (e.g., Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944) (upholding the internment of Japanese Americans based on wartime security concerns)), or referred to by current members of the Supreme Court (for instance, Justice Scalia) as “wrong” (e.g., Ex parte Quirin, 317 U.S. 1 (1942) (allowing for the military detention and execution of an American citizen detained on U.S. soil)).”</em></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">As Representatives of the citizens of Wyoming, you have each taken an oath, as required by the United States Constitution’s Article VI, Clause 3, to support the United States Constitution.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">In accordance with Article 6, Section 20 of the Wyoming Constitution, you are also bound by oath to support both the United States and Wyoming Constitutions. Having taken that oath, your duty is to actively defend our God-given Rights against all usurpations.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">We the People are gravely concerned about the overreach of the federal government as exemplified by the numerous usurpations of the U.S. Constitution through various provisions of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012 signed into law by President Barack Obama on December 31, 2011, to wit: sections 1021 and 1022.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>The Intolerable Acts</strong><strong> <em>ACTION CENTER</em></strong> legal team has identified 22 provisions of the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights and Wyoming Constitution and Declaration of Rights directly violated by sections 1021 and 1022 of the 2012 National Defense Authorization Act. (See addendum for list or visit our Wyoming page for complete resolution.)</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">In September, 2011, President Obama ordered the assassination of Anwar Awlaki, a U.S. citizen, by Predator Drone in violation of Mr. Awlaki’s Constitutional rights. Two weeks later, Mr. Awlaki’s son, also in Yemen, was assassinated by Predator Drone on order of President Obama.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">No charge. No trial &#8211; Just summary execution. These assassinations were carried out prior to the passage of the 2012 NDAA under plenary authority claimed by Presidents Bush and Obama.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">The U.S. Supreme Court affirmed over 150 years ago that it is unconstitutional to use “indefinite military detention” and trial by military tribunal against a U.S. citizen who is not part of the armed forces of the United States, and not “<em>in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger;…</em>”</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">In Enemy Combatant Status: No More Pernicious Doctrine, Yale Law grad Stewart Rhodes writes, “<em>The Article III Treason Clause provides the only constitutional trial remedy for those who make war against their own nation or give aid and comfort to its enemies. Up to the Civil War, in every rebellion, from Shay’s rebellion, to the Whiskey Rebellion, to Aaron Burr’s attempt to raise an Army against the U.S., to John Brown’s attack on Harper’s Ferry, each person tried for their actions of taking up arms against their nation or aiding the enemy were tried for treason, before a jury, in a civilian court. None of them were brought before a military tribunal. If the Founders had intended to give the military jurisdiction over such people, what was the point of the Treason Clause?” </em><em>(The Warrior, the Journal of Gerry Spence&#8217;s Trial Lawyers College, 2005 Summer edition)</em><em></em></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Members of Congress that voted for granting the President dictatorial power in his capacity as Commander-in-Chief have argued that it was necessary in the interest of national security.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Although Congress has declared “<em>the whole world is the battlefield, including the homeland</em>,” the U.S. Constitution doesn’t permit applying military law, or the “law of war” against a U.S. citizen anywhere in the world, or against any person in the United States, its territories, or protectorates. What is authorized is to charge them with treason under Article III, Section 3.<strong><br />
</strong></p>
<p><strong>Washington warned us against usurpations of the Constitution in his 1796 Farewell Address: </strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed.”</em></p>
<p><strong>The 5th Amendment in the Bill of Rights states,</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>&#8220;<span style="text-decoration: underline;">No person</span> shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger;…”</em></p>
<p><strong>The 6<sup>th</sup> Amendment in the Bill of Rights states,</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“In all </em><em>criminal prosecutions</em><em>, the </em><em>accused</em><em> shall enjoy the right to a speedy and </em><em>public</em><em> trial by an </em><em>impartial</em><em> </em><em>jury</em><em> of the state and </em><em>district</em><em> </em><em>wherein</em><em> the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been </em><em>previously</em><em> </em><em>ascertained</em><em> by law, and to be informed of the </em><em>nature</em><em> and </em><em>cause</em><em> of the </em><em>accusation</em><em>; to be </em><em>confronted with</em><em> the </em><em>witnesses</em><em> against him; to have </em><em>compulsory process</em><em> for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of </em><em>counsel</em><em> for his defense.”</em></p>
<p><strong>U.S. Supreme Court Justice Davis, in</strong><em> Ex Parte Milligan (71 U.S. 2, Syllabus)</em>, <strong>stated,</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“Time has proven the discernment of our ancestors, for even these provisions, expressed in such plain English words that it would seem the ingenuity of man could not evade them, are now, after the lapse of more than seventy years, sought to be avoided. Those great and good men foresaw that troublous times would arise when rulers and people would become restive under restraint, and seek by sharp and decisive measures to accomplish ends deemed just and proper, and that the principles of constitutional liberty would be in peril unless established by irrepealable law. The history of the world had taught them that what was done in the past might be attempted in the future. The  Constitution of the United States is a law for rulers and people, equally in war and in peace, and covers with the shield of its protection all classes of men, at all times <strong>[p121]</strong> and under all circumstances. No doctrine involving more pernicious consequences was ever invented by the wit of man than that any of its provisions can be suspended during any of the great exigencies of government. Such a doctrine leads directly to anarchy or despotism, but the theory of necessity on which it is based is false, for the government, within the Constitution, has all the powers granted to it which are necessary to preserve its existence, as has been happily proved by the result of the great effort to throw off its just authority.”</em></p>
<p><strong>The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in</strong><em> Ex Parte Milligan (71 U.S. 2, Syllabus)</em>, <strong>that</strong>,</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“<span style="text-decoration: underline;">Military commissions</span> organized during the late civil war, <span style="text-decoration: underline;">in a State not invaded and not engaged in rebellion, in which the Federal courts were open</span>, and in the proper and unobstructed exercise of their judicial functions, <span style="text-decoration: underline;">had no jurisdiction to try, convict, or sentence for any criminal offence, a citizen who was neither a resident of a rebellious State nor a prisoner of war, nor a person in the military or naval service. And Congress could not invest them with any such power.</span>” ….It can serve no useful purpose to inquire what those laws [of war]and usages are, whence they originated, where found, and on whom they operate; they can never be applied to citizens in states which have upheld the authority of the government, and where the courts are open and their process unobstructed.” </em><em>(Emphasis added)</em></p>
<p>Article VI, Clause 2 of the U.S. Constitution clearly states that only those laws enacted in pursuance of the Constitution are to be considered “supreme Law of the Land.” The 2012 NDAA was not passed “in Pursuance” of the Constitution. Your support for HB-0114 is <span style="text-decoration: underline;">not</span> a nullification of the “detention provisions” in the 2012 NDAA, because they were already null and void just as unconstitutional acts by acts of Congress to “infringe” upon the 2<sup>nd</sup> Amendment right to keep and bear arms would be. HB-0114 recognizes the unconstitutionality of the actions, and nullity of the act, in order to protect the people of Wyoming.</p>
<p><strong> Alexander Hamilton writes in Federalist 16</strong>,</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“If the judges were not embarked in a conspiracy with the legislature, they would pronounce the resolutions of such a majority to be <span style="text-decoration: underline;">contrary to the supreme law of the land, unconstitutional, and void.</span>” </em><em>(Emphasis added)</em></p>
<p><strong>Alexander Hamilton explained in Federalist 78: </strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“There is no position which depends on clearer principles than that every act of a delegated authority, contrary to the tenor of the commission under which it is executed, is void. No legislative act, therefore, contrary to the Constitution, can be valid.”</em></p>
<p><span style="color: #ff0000;"><strong><em>“When words lose their meaning, people lose their freedom.”</em></strong></span><strong> -Confucius (551 BCE &#8211; 479 BCE)</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Honorable members of the Wyoming House of Representatives, either the Constitution says what it means, and means what it says, or our God-given Rights will become privileges to be given or taken away at the whims of those in power.</p>
<p><strong>Former President Thomas Jefferson, advised in a letter to Thomas Richie, Dec. 25, 1820,</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>“…that against this every man should raise his voice, and more, should uplift his arm… That pen should go on, lay bare these wounds of our Constitution, expose the decisions seriatim, and arouse, as it is able, the attention of the nation to these bold speculators on its patience.”</em></p>
<p><strong>U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall explained in Marbury v. Madison, 1803: </strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">• <em>“It is also not entirely unworthy of observation that, in declaring what shall be the supreme law of the land, the Constitution itself is first mentioned, and not the laws of the United States generally, but those only which shall be made in pursuance of the Constitution, have that rank.”</em></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>• “Thus, the particular phraseology of the Constitution of the United States confirms and strengthens the principle, supposed to be essential to all written Constitutions, that a law repugnant to the Constitution is <span style="text-decoration: underline;">void</span>, and that courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument.” [Emphasis added]</em><strong> </strong></p>
<p><strong> Samuel Adams, referred to as the ‘Father of the American Revolution,’ advised us,</strong><strong> </strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em>&#8220;If ever a time should come, when vain and aspiring men shall possess the highest seats in Government, our country will stand in need of its experienced patriots to prevent its ruin.&#8221;</em></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">We submit to you that such a time has come, and We the People need you to take any and all actions within your constitutional authority to interpose against these intolerable acts. We urge your immediate support for HB-0114, the Wyoming Liberty Preservation Act.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">
<p><em>For God &amp; Country,</em><strong></strong></p>
</div>
<div style="padding-left: 30px;">
<address><strong>Jeff Lewis</strong></address>
<address><strong>National Director,</strong> <strong><a href="http://patriotcoalition.com/">Patriot Coalition</a></strong></address>
<address><strong>Co-founder, </strong><strong><a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/">The Intolerable Acts ACTION CENTER</a></strong></address>
<address><a href="http://patriotcoalition.com">http://patriotcoalition.com</a></address>
<address><strong>Email:</strong> <a href="mailto:Jeff@PatriotCoalition.com">Jeff@PatriotCoalition.com</a></address>
<address><strong>Phone:</strong> 252-876-9489</address>
<address> </address>
<address> <strong>Stewart Rhodes</strong></address>
<address><strong>Founder, President</strong>, <strong><a href="http://oathkeepers.org/">Oath Keepers</a></strong></address>
<address><strong>Co-founder</strong><strong>, <a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/">The Intolerable Acts ACTION CENTER</a></strong></address>
<address><a href="http://oathkeepers.org">http://oathkeepers.org</a></address>
<address><strong>Email:</strong> <a href="mailto:Stewart.Rhodes@oathkeepers.org">Stewart.Rhodes@oathkeepers.org</a></address>
<address><strong>Phone:</strong> 702-353-0627</address>
<address style="padding-left: 30px;"> </address>
<address><strong>Dan Johnson</strong></address>
</div>
<address style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>Founder, <a href="http://pandaunite.org/">PANDA</a></strong></address>
<address style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>Partner</strong>, <strong><a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/">The Intolerable Acts ACTION CENTER</a></strong></address>
<address style="padding-left: 30px;">Email: <a href="mailto:admin@pandaunite.org">admin@pandaunite.org</a></address>
<address style="padding-left: 30px;">Phone: 567-201-5432</address>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"> <span style="text-decoration: underline; color: #ff0000;"><strong>ADDENDUM</strong></span></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Sections 1021, 1022, and 1023 of the 2012 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) violate numerous provisions of the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of Wyoming, including, but not limited to, the following:<strong></strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> U.S. Constitution, Article I, Section 9, Clause 2</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section I, Clause 8</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>U.S. Constitution, Article III, Section 2, Clause 3</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> U.S. Constitution, Article III, Section 3 </strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>U.S. Constitution, Article VI, Clause 2</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> U.S. Constitution, 1st Amendment</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> U.S. Constitution, 4<sup>th</sup> Amendment</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><em> </em><strong>U.S. Constitution, 5th Amendment</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>U.S. Constitution, 6th Amendment</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>U.S. Constitution, 8th Amendment</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> U.S. Constitution, 9th Amendment</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> U.S. Constitution, 10<sup>th</sup> Amendment</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>U.S. Constitution, 14th Amendment, Section 1</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>Wyoming Declaration of Rights, Article I, Section 1</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> Wyoming Declaration of Rights, Article I, Section 4</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>Wyoming Declaration of Rights, Article I, Section 6</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>Wyoming Declaration of Rights, Article I, Section 9</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>Wyoming Declaration of Rights, Article I, Section 10</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>Wyoming Declaration of Rights, Article I, Section 14</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> Wyoming Declaration of Rights, Article I, Section 17</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> Wyoming Declaration of Rights, Article I, Section 26</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> Wyoming Declaration of Rights, Article I, Section 16, Clause 1</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong>Oath of Office: Wyoming Constitution, Article 6, Clause 20</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;"><strong> </strong><em>“In matters of power, let no more be heard of the confidence in man, but bind them down from mischief with the chains of the Constitution.”</em><em> </em><em> </em>- Thomas Jefferson<strong></strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" align="center"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> </span></strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" align="center"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;">REFERENCES AND SOURCE DOCUMENTS</span></strong><strong></strong></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Wyoming NDAA Resolutions for State Legislators, Local Government, and Sheriffs</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/NDAA/RES/STATE/WY/">http://theintolerableacts.org/NDAA/RES/STATE/WY/</a></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> HR1540 Conference Report as Approved by the United States Congress</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CREC-2011-12-12/pdf/CREC-2011-12-12-pt1-PgH8356-5.pdf">http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CREC-2011-12-12/pdf/CREC-2011-12-12-pt1-PgH8356-5.pdf</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><em><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Alternate source</span></em><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;">:</span></strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> <a href="http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/HR1540conf.pdf">http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/HR1540conf.pdf</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Authorization of Use of Military Force (See bottom of page 6 for final version as signed into law.)</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/Authorization-of-Use-of-Military-Force.pdf">http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/Authorization-of-Use-of-Military-Force.pdf</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> President Obama’s Signing Statement: Dec. 31, 2011</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/12/31/statement-president-hr-1540">http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/12/31/statement-president-hr-1540</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Declaration of Independence: (See Freedom Documents tab)</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://nccs.net/freedom_defined/index.htm?const.html&amp;2">http://nccs.net/freedom_defined/index.htm?const.html&amp;2</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Constitution of the United States of America: (See Freedom Documents tab)</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.nccs.net/freedom_defined/index.htm?const.html&amp;2">http://www.nccs.net/freedom_defined/index.htm?const.html&amp;2</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Constitution of the Great State of </span><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Wyoming</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/WY-Constitution.pdf">http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/WY-Constitution.pdf</a> </span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> House Voting Record for final version of 2012 NADA</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2011/roll932.xml">http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2011/roll932.xml</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Senate Voting Record for final version of 2012 NADA</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_lists/roll_call_vote_cfm.cfm?congress=112&amp;session=1&amp;vote=00230">http://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_lists/roll_call_vote_cfm.cfm?congress=112&amp;session=1&amp;vote=00230</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> 2012 NDAA, SECTIONS: 1021, 1022,1023</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/NDAA%20FOR%20FISCAL%20YEAR%202012%20%281021-1022-1023%29.doc">http://patriotcoalition.com/docs/NDAA FOR FISCAL YEAR 2012 (1021-1022-1023).doc</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Judge Katherine Forrest places permanent injunction against NDAA in Hedges v. Obama</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center; padding-left: 30px;"><a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/docs/Hedges-v-Obama-Permanent-Injunction.pdf">http://theintolerableacts.org/docs/Hedges-v-Obama-Permanent-Injunction.pdf</a></p>
<p style="padding-left: 30px;" align="center">
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/197/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
		<item>
		<title>Texas prepares to nullify TSA, NDAA in showdown of state liberty versus federal tyranny</title>
		<link>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/texas-prepares-to-nullify/</link>
		<comments>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/texas-prepares-to-nullify/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 21 Nov 2012 03:08:25 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>theintolerableacts</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[10th Amendment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Constitutional Issues]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Nullification]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/?p=161</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[(NaturalNews) Dissatisfaction is spreading rapidly throughout a very divided nation in the wake of the Nov. 6 elections, as citizens in nearly every state have begun petitioning the federal government to leave the union. The secession effort is being led by the independence-minded citizens of Texas, with more than 111,000 residents having signed an online petition requesting secession as of this writing. Lawmakers in Texas are set to respond to a growing wave of discontent with federal authority, as they look set to consider a pair of bills that will set the state on a collision course with Washington. Let the Nullification begin According to the Tenth Amendment Center, &#8220;a national think tank that works to preserve and protect the principles of strictly limited government through information, education, and activism,&#8221; the state legislature will consider a pair of bills aimed at protecting some basic civil liberties for citizens. Earlier this week, Rep. David Simpson, R-Longwood, pre-filed a measure called &#8220;The Texas Travel Freedom Act,&#8221; or H.B. 80, which would make it a criminal act to intentionally touch &#8220;the anus, breast, buttocks, or sexual organ of the other person, including touching through clothing,&#8221; without probable cause, in the process of allowing someone access to public [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>(NaturalNews) Dissatisfaction is spreading rapidly throughout a very divided nation in the wake of the Nov. 6 elections, as citizens in nearly every state have begun petitioning the federal government to leave the union.</p>
<p><a href="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/11/texas-map.jpg"><img class="alignright size-thumbnail wp-image-168" title="AA016068" src="http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2012/11/texas-map-150x150.jpg" alt="" width="150" height="150" /></a>The secession effort is being led by the independence-minded citizens of Texas, <a href="https://petitions.whitehouse.gov/petition/peacefully-grant-state-texas-withdraw-united-states-america-and-create-its-own-new-government/BmdWCP8B" target="_blank">with more than 111,000 residents</a> having signed an online petition requesting secession as of this writing.</p>
<p>Lawmakers in Texas are set to respond to a growing wave of discontent with federal authority, as they look set to consider a pair of bills that will set the state on a collision course with Washington.</p>
<p><iframe src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/r7wYElMiZKI" frameborder="0" width="420" height="315"></iframe></p>
<p><strong>Let the <a href="http://youtu.be/r7wYElMiZKI">Nullification</a> begin</strong></p>
<p>According to the <em>Tenth Amendment Center</em>, &#8220;a national think tank that works to preserve and protect the principles of strictly limited government through information, education, and activism,&#8221; the state legislature will consider a pair of bills aimed at protecting some basic civil liberties for citizens.</p>
<p>Earlier this week, Rep. David Simpson, R-Longwood, pre-filed a measure called &#8220;The Texas Travel Freedom Act,&#8221; or H.B. 80, which would make it a criminal act to intentionally touch &#8220;the anus, breast, buttocks, or sexual organ of the other person, including touching through clothing,&#8221; without probable cause, in the process of allowing someone access to public transportation.</p>
<p>In other words, the bill is aimed at ending pointless, embarrassing and invasive pat downs of travelers by the <a href="http://www.naturalnews.com/federal.html">federal</a><em>Transportation Security Administration</em>, among others.</p>
<p>The measure also forbids removing a child under the age of 18 from the physical custody or control of a parent or guardian.</p>
<p>&#8220;If you walk up to somebody and grab their crotch out on the street, it will land you in jail. Blue uniforms and federal badges don&#8217;t grant some goon the power to sexually assault you, or at least they shouldn&#8217;t. A person doesn&#8217;t forfeit her or his personal dignity or Fourth Amendment protections with the purchase of an airline ticket,&#8221; said <em>Tenth Amendment Center </em>communications director Mike Maharrey.</p>
<p>In addition, state lawmakers will consider a separate measure that would block any attempt to indefinitely detain people in <a href="http://www.naturalnews.com/Texas.html">Texas</a> under sections of the <em>National Defense Authorization Act</em>. That measure, known as H.B. 149, has been pre-filed by Rep. Lyle Larson, R-San Antonio. It states:</p>
<p><em>It is the policy of this state to refuse to provide material support for or to participate in any way with the implementation within this state of Sections 1021 and 1022 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012 (Pub. L. No. 112-81). Any act to enforce or attempt to enforce those laws is in violation of this subchapter.</em></p>
<p><strong>&#8216;Our last hope is to stand up and nullify&#8217;</strong></p>
<p>The latter bill also provides for criminal penalties against any outside authority attempting to detain persons within the boundaries of Texas without due process under the <a href="http://www.naturalnews.com/NDAA.html">NDAA</a>. If passed, the bill would effectively nullify indefinite federal detention in the state of Texas, the center said, noting that the bills appear to be aimed at the Obama administration in particular.</p>
<p>&#8220;With four more years of the man who not only signed &#8216;federal kidnapping&#8217; into law, but has vigorously defended it in court, there is absolutely zero chance for repeal in Washington D.C. Our last hope is to stand up and nullify,&#8221; said the center&#8217;s executive director, Michael Boldin. &#8220;While Representative Larson will likely be derided by the establishment, if you live in Texas, he deserves your praise. And other state legislators need to follow suit.&#8221;</p>
<p>&#8220;When enough <a href="http://www.naturalnews.com/states.html">states</a> stand up and say, &#8216;No!&#8217; to unconstitutional federal acts, there&#8217;s not much that Obama and his gang can do about it. The Constitution and your liberty will win,&#8221; Boldin continued.</p>
<p>The center said both pieces of legislation appear to be modeled after examples set by Thomas Jefferson, when he drafted the <a href="http://www.constitution.org/cons/kent1798.htm" target="_blank">Kentucky Resolutions of 1798</a>, in response to the <em>Alien and Sedition Acts</em>, arguing that nullification is &#8220;the rightful remedy&#8221; of federal government usurpation:</p>
<p><em>The several States composing, the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes &#8211; delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force.</em></p>
<p>Other states are engaging in nullification, of sorts, regarding Obamacare. Many are opting out of creating state health insurance exchanges, as called for by the law, while others have held referendums to simply opt out of participating in the law altogether.</p>
<p>&#8220;Because of how the policy is structured, the road to ObamaCare leads straight through the governors&#8217; desks. Based on the Supreme Court&#8217;s decision, the federal government has to implement the President&#8217;s program, but it cannot force states to run it,&#8221; said <em>Family Research Council </em>chief Tony Perkins.</p>
<p><strong>Sources:</strong></p>
<ul>
<li><a href="http://tenthamendmentcenter.com/2012/11/13/will-texas-nullify-both-ndaa-and-tsa/" target="_blank">http://tenthamendmentcenter.com</a></li>
<li><a href="http://www.naturalnews.com/037961_states_Civil_War_petitions.html" target="_blank">http://www.naturalnews.com/037961_states_Civil_War_petitions.html</a></li>
</ul>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://theintolerableacts.org/wordpress/texas-prepares-to-nullify/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>0</slash:comments>
		</item>
	</channel>
</rss>
